Zanskari Horses: Stahspey,Turchit and Dong Phab.

 Tsering Tashi

Tsering Tashi, a 70-year-old from Langmi village in Zanskar, Ladakh, India, recalls a time when nearly every family in the region owned around two horses. He explains that before roads were built, horses were vital for transporting people and goods across Zanskar’s challenging terrain. These horses allowed people to travel to distant places like Suru Valley, Kargil, and beyond. His family, deeply passionate about horses, once owned between 25 and 30, continuing a tradition passed down by his father.

Tashi shares an intriguing legend about the origins of horses in Zanskar. According to the story, two magnificent horses mysteriously appeared from the mountains in a place called Changkha. Tashi believes that the current Zanskari horses are descendants of the Chamurthi horses from Himachal Pradesh, which are thought to have descended from these two mystical horses. In Himachal Pradesh, these horses were renowned for their strength, believed to come from grazing on special herbs called Yarsa Gombu. The legend further tells of how, when these horses fell ill, a mystic named Lobon Lundup healed them and wrote a book called Stahspey. This book remains a standard reference for treating horse health problems among many veteran horsekeepers in Zanskar.

The best horses can be identified by unique features, such as deer-like ears, large nostrils, and star-shaped markings in nine places on their bodies, with the most prominent one on their foreheads. He adds that horses are classified by color, with names like Nakpo, Mukpo, Nyonpo, and Koktal. Based on the quality of their ride, the finest horses, known as Yorga, are highly prized for their smooth and comfortable ride.

    shaped hair partition

One of Tashi’s fondest memories is from when he took a Zanskari horse to Leh to sell. There, he met a Tibetan man named Khamba Tamdin, who showed interest in the horse but questioned its purity. Tamdin used a method unfamiliar to Tashi to determine the horse’s lineage. By pressing on the horse’s front leg and examining its skin, Tamdin concluded that while the horse’s father was likely a pure Zanskari, its mother was not. Tashi, despite his years of experience with horses, was surprised by this method used by the Tibetans.

Zanskari Horse     

In Zanskar, a traditional practice called Turchit involves entrusting a pregnant horse to another person for care until it gives birth. Once the foal is born, the horse is returned to its original owner, while the caregiver keeps the foal. Another custom, known as Dong Phab (Gelding), is used to tame aggressive male horses. A specialist called a Sthashetpa performs gelding on the horse to calm it down, usually when the horse is around six years old, although for particularly strong horses, the procedure may be done as early as four. In the past, only one Sthashetpa was available in Parkachik, but today there are two more, in Lungnak and Ralakung. The fee for this service is typically ₹3,000, along with a traditional offering of Phey.

Photo No 2 and 3 courtesy of Stanzin Rabga, Reijing, Zanskar 

Traders of the Chelong Valley, Ladakh

Gulam Jaffar at his shop in Panikhar

For generations, traders from the Suru Valley in Kargil, Ladakh, have journeyed southwest from Panikhar village, in Suru Valley, passing through the picturesque Chelong Valley to reach the Warwan Valley in Jammu and Kashmir. Panikhar, which serves as both a hub for trade and commerce and the entry point to the Suru Valley from Chelong Valley, has long been a key stop on these trade routes. Today, this historic route has become a popular trekking path and is even being considered as an alternative access to the Amarnath Shrine. 

Following the tradition of his ancestors, Gulam Jaffar, 82 years, from Panikhar spent many years making annual treks for trade to Warwan and Pahalgam. In Warwan, Jaffar would exchange young Dzhos (a hybrid between yaks and domestic cattle) from the Suru Valley for fully grown Dzhos from Warwan. Typically, he traded two young Dzhos for one adult. On some occasions, he would trade one young Dzho along with some money for a fully grown Dzho. The adult Dzhos Jaffar brought back were either used for meat or sold to buyers from Kargil, particularly those from the Sod area, who would then sell them in distant places like Leh. Over time, some of the young Dzhos he had traded in Warwan would mature into adults and return, creating a continuous cycle of exchange. This practice had survived for many generations.

Gulam Jaffar was actively involved in trading Brangsee (honey), which he sourced from the villagers of Warwan. The hives were ingeniously constructed within the walls of village huts, with the main hive located inside the house and a small hole-like opening in the wall connecting it to the outside. These hives were placed in wooden cases, referred to by Jaffar as Shing Dongmo. The cases were plastered with mud, leaving only the small external opening for the bees through the wall of the hut. Remarkably, the villagers shared their living spaces with these hives, sleeping in the very rooms where they were kept. To harvest the honey, smoke was used to drive the bees out of the hives. The honey was then manually collected through a meticulous process that required nearly 10 days to produce 20-30 kilograms. After collection, the honey was ground and filtered by hand before being packed into skin cases known as Kyalba. At that time, the honey was sold for Rs 20 per kilogram, a stark contrast to the current price of nearly Rs 2800 per kilogram.

In the days before electricity or kerosene oil, Gulam Jaffar would gather a type of wood called La-shee from the Warwan forests. This wood, which burned like a large incense stick, with its glowing tip casting a faint light that lasted less than an hour, was a vital source of illumination during the dark nights. In later years, Jaffar would carry 5 liters of kerosene for six families from Pahalgam through the Chelong Valley. This kerosene was used to light their homes, with each family carefully rationing less than a liter to last the entire winter. They would finish their dinners and sleep early  to conserve the oil. At that time, the market price for kerosene was Rs 3 per liter.

Gulam Jaffar also recalls the difficulties of paying taxes like Bhaps and Jinsi to the revenue officials. The entire family would clean their crops meticulously, and his father would transport them to the revenue office in Kargil. Despite their hard work, corrupt officials sometimes rejected the crops, making those days feel like Zulum (oppression). The burden of these taxes was so heavy that some families in the Suru Valley were even forced to sell their fields Zhing (fields) and gardens Tsas (gardens) to pay them.

During winter, the Chelong Valley was cut off for six months due to snow. At the age of 40, Jaffar once took the Umbala Pass route to Dras and then onward to Kashmir. This route, which directly connects the Suru Valley to Dras and bypasses Kargil, took him two days to travel—a journey that now takes just three hours by car. On the first day, he camped overnight at Umbala Pass, and on the second day, he stayed in Lamochan village before continuing to Dras. From there, he traveled to Zojila Pass and Sonamarg to purchase rice (Bras) at Rs 1 per kilogram.

Habbibullah

Habbibullah, 77 years from Panikhar traveled 3-4 times through the Chelong Valley to purchase butter from the villagers in Warwan, Kashmir. In Warwan, the villagers would prepare 3-4 kilogram butter doughs and pack them in skin bags called Kyalba. Once back in Panikhar, in the Suru Valley, the women in his family would transfer the butter from the Kyalba into utensils, separate the liquid portion from the dough, and purify it. They would then shape the butter into 3-4 kilogram balls. Habbibullah would then take the butter to Kargil for sale in September and October. The butter that Habbibullah purchased at Rs 12 per kilogram would be sold for Rs 24 per kilogram in Kargil.

 Salim Khan, Haji Gulam Mehdi and Ali Jaan

Haji Gulam Mehdi, a resident of Panikhar, spent much of his life engaged in the meat trade. In his younger days, he made yearly journeys to the Warwan Valley in Kashmir, traveling through the Chelong Valley for trade. On one occasion, he embarked on a three-day journey to Sukhnai, a village in the Warwan Valley, to purchase livestock. There, he bought 400 sheep, which he later sold in Kargil. In the past, the road from Panikhar to Warwan was so narrow that horses sometimes fell into the river. Currently, a road is under construction, extending about 10 kilometers into the Chelong Valley from Panikhar. Haji Gulam believes that if the road were improved and a tunnel built at Boban glacier, it would transform life in the Suru Valley. 

In addition to his trading activities in Warwan Valley and Kargil, Haji Gulam has fond memories of the years he spent at cattle camps, known as Doks, at a site called Raygun in the Chelong Valley. The Dok was particularly renowned for its clean water, drawn from the Dok-Chu Chesma spring. Each year, Haji Gulam spent 3-4 months there, caring for livestock and gathering wood, juniper (Shukpa), shrubs (Burtse), and cow dung (Sherang or Shilang) to use as fuel. His family members would visit him in the Doks, collecting surplus grass, shrubs, and cow dung to take back to the village for later use. Whenever possible, Haji Gulam continued his trading from the Dok, exchanging young Dzhos for adult Dzhos with Warwan traders who visited the camps, sometimes paying them in cash.

Life in the Doks, however, was not without its challenges. Wild animals like snow leopards, brown bears, and wolves often posed a threat to their livestock. Despite these dangers, Haji Gulam lived this way for 10-15 years. Haji Gulam eventually stopped traveling through the Chelong Valley and now owns a popular grocery shop in Panikhar. After 20 years, he returned to the area with the author, reflecting on his memorable days as a trader.

Every year, Bakarwal nomads like Ali Jaan and Salim Khan from the district of Kathua in Jammu and Kashmir visit the Chelong Valley, which they refer to as Do Naldu. From Kathua, they travel to Ramban, cross the Banihal Pass to reach Anantnag, and then make their way to Kishtwar before crossing a glacier to finally reach the Chelong Valley in the month of May. In good weather, the journey from Kathua to Chelong takes about 15 days. They stay for three months, grazing livestock and trading sheep and wool with traders who visit them from different parts of Ladakh before returning to Kathua via the same route. When the author met them in the Chelong Valley, Ali Jaan owned 200 sheep, while his cousin Salim Khan had about 250 sheep.

Haji Gulam regularly purchased sheep and wool from the Bakarwals visiting the Chelong Valley. Despite the declining demand for wool, which once sold for Rs 65 per kilogram but has now dropped to less than Rs 10, Haji maintained a strong and supportive relationship with the Bakarwals. Among them, he had particularly close ties with Ali Jaan and Salim Khan, whom he knew through their parents—long-time friends of his. Their bond was so strong that, during their visits to Panikhar, the Bakarwals often stayed at Haji Gulam's home, where they were treated like family members. Through his shop in Panikhar, Haji continues to extend credit and provide rations to the Bakarwals when needed, further solidifying their connection and mutual trust.

The Salt Route : Lamayuru to Tibet and Baltistan.

 

Sonam Stobdan

95-year-old Sonam Stobdan, from the Shutupa family in Lamayuru village in Ladakh, India, has spent many years of his life trading in and out of remote places, both within and outside Ladakh. His travels were carefully timed to coincide with the Hemis Tsechu festival, after which he would start his journey to Changthang or Tibet. In his youth, Sonam journeyed to Rudok, which he called Roochey Thog, and Gertse in Tibet with his herd of 8-10 donkeys, carrying goods such as barley, turnips, chuli, and phating from Ladakh. These items were highly valued by the natives of Tibet, and in exchange, he would receive bal, lena, and khullu.

Upon arriving in Gertse, Sonam would meet with the Gertse Spon, the local community leader, to gain permission to set up camp, often staying there for nearly a month.  He would set up his tent a little way away from the Changpas, respecting their privacy. He spent about a month, interacting with the Changpas, who lived in tents scattered across Gertse and the surrounding Lungpas and collected his stock of bal from them. Unlike modern trade, goods were often measured by volume rather than weight. In rare cases, he would use the traditional balance called the Nyaga. The exchange rate for goods varied, and he often received more bal, as barley was considered a rare commodity by the Changpas. In addition to bal, Sonam would also purchase sheep to carry the extra load, with each sheep able to carry two Batis of goods.

Sonam is one of the few remaining individuals in Ladakh who remembers the once-thriving salt markets of Sakti-Chemrey. He recalls how the Changpa salt traders would set up large markets in these areas, where thousands of sheep laden with salt would gather for days. Traders from the Sham region, particularly from villages above Bodh Kharbu (towards Khalste), would come to these markets to exchange Nas (barley) for the salt, which the Changpas brought from the salt fields of Lake Mingdum Tsaka in Tibet. Salt was traded for barley using a ratio of 4:5—four parts salt for five parts barley—with measurements typically done in Pao units (½ Pao, 1 Pao, with 4 Paos equaling 1 Seer, and 8 Paos equaling 1 Batti). After returning to Lamayuru and resting briefly, Sonam would travel to Kargil to sell the salt, often doubling his investment.

Sonam also made two memorable trips to Skardu and Shigar with his father. The journey from Kargil to Skardu took about eight days, passing through Olding, Sermik, and Gol. In Shigar, they camped near a sacred site associated with Guru Rinpoche. From Skardu, they purchased goods like Basho, Osay, and Phating, in exchange for salt and Bal. The Baltis, who were particularly fond of salt, would eagerly trade for it, often expressing their delight with the phrase Acho Bodh Leptok when they reached Shigar. To show their excitement upon seeing the precious salt, the Baltis would often take a handful of it and swallow it.

Reflecting on the past, Sonam also recalls the challenging days when the revenue department imposed taxes on the villagers in the form of Jins and Bhaps . They were also taxed for their goats, which had to be paid in the form of Ra-bhabs. While nearby villages like Dah, Hanu, and Bema would submit their Jins at Lamayuru, the people of Lamayuru were required to travel to Saspol twice a year to pay their dues.

Sonam has particularly unpleasant memories of the lower-level Ladakhi revenue officials, especially a notorious Chaprasi named Stanzin Ldawa (name changed), who, about 60 years ago, would visit the village with a whip, harshly treating the poor villagers. There was a Dak Bungalow in the village where the Hakims would rest, and the villagers were often forced to provide them with eggs, chicken, and goat. The villagers were also subjected to the Begar or Res system, where they were required to carry government loads from Lamayuru to Khalste or Bodh Kharbu for free. At times, they even had to carry a Palki, a four-man carriage, in which the officials’ families traveled. Any misstep would result in a whipping from the accompanying staff. Sonam, being a horse owner, was spared from carrying the loads himself, as he could offer his horse instead. However, those without horses, known as Miskyang, had to carry the burdens on their own backs.

In certain years, during autumn, when there was a scarcity of fodder for the donkeys, he would journey as far as Suru Karstey in Suru valley for grass and Phukma, a practice known as Phuktso.

Traders of Suru Valley, Kargil, Ladakh

Ahmed Hussain

As a teenager, Ahmed Hussain, 83, from Kargi village in the Suru Valley of Kargil, Ladakh, India, began making annual trips from the Suru Valley through the Chelong Valley to the Warwan Valley in Kishtwar, Jammu and Kashmir, to sell "chota zombos"—young dzhos (a hybrid between yaks and domestic cattle). During these journeys, Ahmed Hussain would transport approximately 50 to 60 "chota zombos" at a time. The journey from Kargi to Warwan, with a herd of cattle, typically took three to four days. The route involved navigating the narrow Nala path from Kargi and crossing challenging terrains, including the difficult Gali Sher Glacier. Upon reaching the other side of the glacier, Ahmed Hussain would stay with the Bakarwal nomads camped there before continuing toward Warwan. In Warwan, Ahmed Hussain exchanged the "chota zombos" for "balda zombos" (adult dzho) at a rate of two "chota zombos" for one "balda zombo". Ahmed Hussain noted that Warwan had significantly more grass compared to the Suru Valley. Back in Kargi, Ahmed Hussain would mostly sell the "balda zombos" to traders from Kargil.

In addition to his annual travels to Warwan, which Ahmed Hussain continued until the age of 50, he also ventured to Zanskar to acquire salt from the Changpa traders. These traders arrived in Zanskar with approximately 400 to 500 sheep, each carrying small bags of salt neatly tied to their backs. During these trips, Ahmed Hussain traded rice and apricots, which he bought from Kargil, for the Changpa salt. He then sold the salt in the Suru Valley. Ahmed Hussain also spent two months working as a laborer in Stakna. He played a significant role in a major infrastructure project when Nurbo Sahib, the famous Ladakhi engineer and leader, sought the assistance of the local Pir and organized around 160 laborers from the Suru Valley to work on the Srinagar-Leh road at Lamayuru village. Ahmed Hussain recalls that the construction site featured 18 challenging turns on the road being built.

Business Lessons from Latoo village, Kargil, Ladakh.

Haji Mohd Hussain is the last remaining member of the original settlers.

Situated on a high plain on the left of River Shingo, village Latoo, Kargil was established around 1967 when seven families from the border village of Dreyloung were relocated to the present area. According to Haji Hussain, Life in Latoo is much better than the remote Dreyloung. Latoo is derived from a Shina word meaning "low-lying barren area." 

Once, during his youth, Haji Mohd Hussain made a long journey from Dreyloung to Leh to buy salt, a trek that took 9-10 days. The route passed through Hardas, Wakha-Mulbekh, Khangral, Heniskut, Lamayuru, Khalste, Nurla, Saspol, Api Chenmo Thang, and finally Leh. Haji Hussain carried ghee, butter, and apricots from Dreyloung, which he traded in Leh for salt and soda. This trade, which Haji Hussain called "Adla-Badla" or barter, was done only once before the 1965 war. 

In those days, the people of the region owned many yaks, which they kept in the mountains most of the time. In Leh, there was a competition among people eager to host them, as payment was made in the form of waste of the animals which Haji and his company traveled with. The salt Haji Hussain purchased was only for personal consumption. 

Before 1965, Haji Hussain also made the arduous journey to Sonamarg to buy rice, a trip so difficult that he remembers his legs swelling from the travel. From Sonamarg, he would buy corn, rice, and wheat. In those days, corn was a common food item, though this practice has now disappeared. Haji Hussain carried money earned from selling his livestock, with Rs 1 fetching him 10 kilograms of corn or 1 kharwar (a local unit) of rice. He bought 5 kharwars of rice and the same quantity of corn. At that time, there were no vehicles beyond Sonamarg, and all trade was conducted using yaks or khacchar (pack animals). Haji owned three zhos, two zhomo, and a few cows.

According to Haji Hussain, before the Partition, a few elderly villagers made stone utensils known as "Doltoks". These were crafted from a special stone called "Meltsey", sourced from the Black Mountain near the village of Babachan. The artisans would give the Doltok a rough shape at the source mountain to reduce carrying weight. Once the rough shape was made, the half-prepared Doltoks were carried down to the Dreyloung village on frames known as "Kir-Kir," where the final finishing was done using an iron tool called "Khokor," made by the local ironsmith, known as "Garba." The villagers would then take the Doltoks to distant places for sale, though some customers would visit Dreyloung to buy the Doltoks directly from the source.

Nisar Hussain

Nisar Hussain, 58 years old, is a second-generation inhabitant of Latoo, born shortly after the village relocated to its current site. Nisar Hussain shared insights into a new practice among herders in the Kargil region, where traditional Bakarwal shepherds are now employed and paid a monthly income to care for the entire village's livestock. While the villagers of Badgham, Hardas, Chanigund, and Kaksar continue to maintain their livestock, many communities closer to Drass have gradually abandoned this ancestral practice. In the past, villagers spent much of their time in the hills with their livestock, using their own wool for personal needs. However, with the decline in livestock keeping, partly due to modern lifestyles, there is now a shortage of "Bal" (wool) in surrounding villages. To compensate, they have begun purchasing wool from outside sources, particularly from the Bakarwals.

Nisar Hussain belongs to one of the most affluent families in Latoo and has been a serial entrepreneur throughout his life. As a child, he assisted an old man named Abdullah in an experiment to grow rice in Latoo. However, due to rice's high water demands, they were only able to produce 2-3 kilograms, leading to the abandonment of the experiment. Over the years, Nisar tried his hand at various trades, from welding to working as a bus conductor and driver.

Nisar Hussain is recognized by the Department of Agriculture as a “progressive farmer.” In Latoo, he grows "Nas" (barley) and "Toe" (wheat) in March. "Nas" is harvested by the end of July, and "Toe" is harvested 15 days later. After that, it's time to grow "Chaa" (jowar) and "Tsey-Tsey" (bajra), which are harvested around late September. Raw "Nas" is used for making "Roti," while roasted "Nas" is used for "Kholak" and "Pabha." "Toe" is mainly used for "Roti," though it can also be roasted to make flour for "Kholak," though this is rare. "Chaa," considered a warming food, is used for making "Thukpa" and "Pabha" and is believed to help cure coughs and chest problems. According to Nisar Hussain, "Chawal" can be made from "Chaa" by slowly grinding it in a stone cup to remove the chaff without breaking the grain, resulting in a stickier rice compared to regular rice. "Tsey-Tsey" is primarily used for "Kholak" but has an alternate use in treating chronic back pain and boils—10-12 kilograms of "Tsey-Tsey" are used to prepare a mattress-like layer for the patient to sleep on.

Nisar also grows more than 14 varieties of fruits, including "Naspati," "Alu Bukhara," "Aaldu," a Kashmiri apple called "Bumchold," used for making pickles, "Khubani," 3-4 varieties of apples, 2 types of cherries, and strawberries. His wife sells these fruits, along with vegetables, in the Kargil market.

Nisar Hussain at Denmo, a rock resembling a demoness holding a child. 

This rock serves as the traditional boundary between Latoo and Karkit villages, with the Shingo River in the background."

In 1985-86, while transporting goods for the Food and Civil Supplies department to Zanskar in his vehicle, he began experimenting with various business ideas. During his trips to Zanskar, he started purchasing "Bal" for personal use from the locals in Sani, Abran, Phey, and Zangla. His family back home would then use the wool to make socks, mufflers, caps, and vests. This experience opened his eyes to the business opportunities Zanskar offered in the 1980s. He began purchasing butter, peas, "Phukma," and grass from Zanskar to sell in the Kargil region. At that time, he drove a low-powered "1210 (Bara Dus)" vehicle that could barely carry 6 tonnes of weight, so the scale of his business was small. Additionally, payments from contractors for the loads he transported to Zanskar were often delayed, limiting his cash flow for further purchases.

Back then, "Bal" was available for just Rs 20 per kilogram, compared to the current price of Rs 200-300. Nisar could only afford to buy about 10 kilograms for personal use. He also bought butter, peas, "Phukma," and grass, with notable profit margins—ghee, for instance, which he bought for Rs 25 per kilogram, was sold for Rs 60-70 in Kargil. However, due to limited cash, his purchases were small. 

Nisar struck gold when he realized the potential in buying donkeys from Zanskar and selling them in Kargil. He purchased donkeys for Rs 200-250 from Zanskar and sold them for Rs 1000-1200 in Latoo and nearby villages. Soon, others in his area recognized the opportunity and began competing with him. The last donkey he bought cost Rs 8,000, which he sold for Rs 18,000. Nisar always preferred male donkeys because female donkeys could not be used during pregnancy or when their foals were young. 

The Salt Route: Tibet to Himachal Pradesh to Zanskar.

Thinley Wangyal

Thinley Wangyal, an 85-year-old trader from Rupshu, in Changthang, India, is among the few remaining merchants in Ladakh who have journeyed to the legendary salt lakes of Mindum Tsaka and Kyeltse in Tibet. He visited Mindum three times and Kyeltse once. During his travels from Rupshu to these lakes, he journeyed with a team of about four people and 80 sheep, 40 of which he owned. Thinley Wangyal would begin his journey to Mindum immediately after the Losar festival in Ladakh. Each sheep carried empty Lugals: pair of woollen bags, used for transporting dry salt.

Traveling through Nyoma, Koyul to reach  Demchok (or Lari Karpo). It took him four days from Demchok to reach Mindum. From Demchok, Mindum Tsaka lies to the southeast toward Kang Rinpochey-the sacred Mount Kailash. Mindum Lake, resembling a very large Kongto ( depression in the gorund)is abundant in high-quality salt. To harvest the salt, Thinley Wangyal would cover his legs with sheepskin, known as Lugpa and enter the lake to remove the salt.

During their time at Mindum, Wangyal and his companions survived on Phey a staple food they brought with them. He would remain at Mindum Tsaka for 15-20 days, during which time they dried the salt on Tsali/Chali-woolen carpets typically made of yak hair. Once the salt was sufficiently dried, it was packed into Lugals and sealed for the long journey home and beyond.

The return journey included regular rest periods for the sheep, a practice known as Chakma. Mindum has no permanent population, but traders lived in tents known as Rebos. While Shamma traders traveled toward Tashigang and Rudok, they did not venture to Mindum. Thinley Wangyal visited Kyeltse only once, as the salt there was not as highly regarded. 

After returning to Rupshu, Thinley Wangyal would wait until the eighth month of the Ladakhi calendar to travel to Zanskar to sell the salt harvested from Tsaka. The traders from Rupshu would organize themselves into teams called Nangtso, consisting of about 5-6 members. Almost every family would send one representative. When Wangyal was young, he recalled that there were about 40 families in Kharnak, who organized themselves into 5-6 Nangtsos. Each team had a leader known as the Tsongspon, typically the member with the most sheep and salt. While the rest of the team traveled on foot, the Tsongspon would ride a horse.

Additionally, each group included a Gyalwa, responsible for maintaining the Lugals and repairing any damage to the bags. There was also a Lukzee, or shepherd, who was often the poorest member of the team, typically owning only 7-8 sheep. In return for his services, the Lukzee was allowed to use some of the other members’ sheep to transport his salt-filled Lugals. While the roles overlapped and the hierarchy was not strictly enforced, the Tsongspon would often travel separately and only rejoin the group as they neared Zanskar. From Rupshu, Wangyal’s route to Zanskar passed through Skyachuthang, Dozam, Tarchey Sumdo, Tangze, Ichar, and his final destination, Pibiting. There, they would set up a market and trade with his Zanskarpa friends for about seven days. The atmosphere during the stay was festive, with music, dance, and the traditional Ladakhi drink, chang. On the return journey, the Tsongspon would typically depart early.

Thinley Wangyal also participated in the popular market at Do-zam (Patseo in the maps), in Himachal Pradesh, where he traded Bal (wool) for rice, maida, Khara, and Kuram from the Karjapas. The journey from Rupshu to Sarchu in Himachal Pradesh, on foot, took him four days. Dozam, located north of Manali and south of Sarchu, was chosen as the market site because taking sheep farther south to Manali, which was warmer, would have been uncomfortable for the animals. The temporary market itself was a small gathering of no more than 100 people. The Karjapas only traded for wool and did not purchase sheep. Instead, they sheared the wool, which was then measured using a scale known as the Nyaga. A sheep typically yielded 2-3 kilograms of wool, which could be exchanged for 12-15 kilograms of rice.

In Zanskar, salt was bartered for an equal quantity of Nas (Barley). While Thinley Wangyal never ventured into Sham, he did sell salt as far as Thiksey, where his mother’s family lived and where he is settled at present. He noted that the salt from Tsokar was of inferior quality and required cleaning using a pan. 

Business in Kharnak.

At Dat and Lungmoche, temporary nomadic settlements in Kharnak, Changthang, Ladakh, with Ka Targe Tashi le, Ka Angchuk le, and their friends. They began their day in Dat, Kharnak (Pic 1-5) loading bales of 50 kg Boras—large sacks—to transport manure from the nearby nomad camp of Lungmoche. 

Later, when I met them again in Lungmoche (Pic 6-9) they were nearing the end of their work, filling the last Boras from heaps of manure collected from the cattle pens, locally known as Raley or Laee. While some men packed the manure, others sealed the sacks.

Ka Targe and his friends buy the manure from fellow nomads at Rs 70 per sack, with each sack measured by volume rather than weight. Typically, a 50 kg sack holds about 25-30 kg of manure. Once packed, the sacks are stacked and loaded onto trucks bound for Spiti, Himachal Pradesh. Each year, they sell around 20 truckloads of manure, with each truck carrying approximately 400 sacks. In Spiti, the manure is sold for around Rs 260 per sack. Many other Changpa nomads are also involved in this trade, making manure an essential part of their livelihood. 

 

Thapas of Suru Valley, Ladakh

 

Haji Gulam Mohd

According to Haji Gulam Mohd, 96 yrs, of Kargi village in Suru valley, of Kargil distrit, Ladakh, when he was young, life in his village and the Suru Valley, much like the rest of Ladakh, was incredibly challenging. Poverty was widespread, and it was common for people to borrow wheat from others, repaying it only in the following year. The Shaktaga and Bhangapa families were among the wealthiest during those times, with Haji Ibrahim from the Shaktaga family being particularly notable.

To supplement their limited means, Gulam Mohd and many other men from Suru Valley would travel during autumn, typically around October or November, to work as laborers in places like Punjab, Shimla, Dehradun, Mussoorie, and Chakrata. They would traverse the Chilong Nala Warwan route, reaching to Kangan in Kashmir and  then beyond to the plains of India.

The Suru men chose to go to these north Indian locations only during autumn for two reasons: first, they spent their summer working in the fields until the harvest in Suru and attending to other domestic responsibilities; second, traveling in summer would mean enduring the extreme heat of north India, which the Ladakhis were not accustomed to.

Gulam Mohd recalls that in Mussoorie, there was a law that required pedestrians to pay Rs. 1.50 just to walk on the road. He was about 15 to 20 years old at the time, but he cannot remember if this was before or after India's independence. For blasting work, he earned Rs. 2 per day. He also visited Punjab and Shimla. The men from Suru Valley always traveled in groups of 15-20.

In Suru, there was a unique practice of referring to men who went to work in North India respectfully as Thapa, (not to be confused with the Nepali term). Often, these men would send letters back home, written in pure Persian or Urdu, using phrases like  Kuwate Bazoo (strength of the arm) and Rahate Jaan (peace of soul). The villages in Suru are divided into two parts: Thongos in the south and Satay in the north. The letters would convey Salaam ( Greetings) to all the villagers by name, a villager would then run from Thongos to Satay, delivering these greetings to each family.

When news of the Thapas' return reached Suru around April, it was a time of celebration. The villagers would go out on horses to receive them.