Aba Tundup Tsering le, now in his 90s, Serlupa family, Hanupata.

Aba Tundup Tsering le, now in his 90s and belonging to the Serlupa family, is the oldest living resident of Hanupata. The village has six Tongpas (families): Khangchenpa, Zhingjukpa, Yokmapa, Ikupa, Serlupa, and Marlapa. 

In earlier times, the village was part of Wanla and shared a common headman, known as a Goba. It has now been over a decade since Hanupata, along with few small villages has had a separate Goba of its own.

Hanupata's earliest recorded mention dates back to the mid-16th century, during the reign of Gyalpo Tsewang Namgyal. It was here, according to the Ladakh Gyalrabs, that the king commissioned the construction of a road to facilitate travel toward Zanskar, one of two strategic roads he is said to have developed, the other cutting through the Hanu Gorge.

Today, this once-important route, perhaps the first recorded mention of an infrastructure project in Ladakh, has nearly vanished from collective memory in Hanupata and surrounding villages. While an attempt to retrace its path met with limited success, the village elders still recall a trail known as Gyalpo La. This route, which began at Sumdo near Hanupata and ended at Fanjila near Wanla, was abandoned a few decades ago and is absent from all maps, including the trekking maps of Ladakh. When traveling from Fanjila towards Hanupata, villagers would cross Gyalpo La and rest for a few days at a place called Chumikchan before descending towards Spangthang (Hanupata Tokpa) and further southwest to Hanupata. Rarely would the villagers take the lower route through the valley from Sumdo towards Fanjila and onward to Wanla. This alternative was used during winter, when the river in the valley would freeze, making it safe to walk over the ice.

According to Tundup, the Gyalpo La road was also used by residents of Photoksar, Lingshed, and nearby settlements when heading to Wanla and onward to Khaltse or Leh. Landslides would sometimes block the route, prompting villagers to come together with limited tools to clear and repair the path so it could be used again. A faint trace of the route, still visible on Google Earth, runs from Fanjila to Sumdo, skirting the left side of the present-day road as one approaches Hanupata from Wanla.

Tashi Wangyal, a Hanupata resident now in his mid-fifties, recalls seeing a decorative stone inscription at the spot where the ancient trail climbed from Sumdo. The stone bore numerous names, possibly those of the people who built or frequently used the trail. Sadly, this inscription was reportedly destroyed during road construction a few decades ago.

Though there is no surviving written or archaeological proof, it remains plausible that this trail was the very road ordered by Gyalpo Tsewang Namgyal in the 16th century.

Tundup Tsering’s own life offers further insight into Hanupata’s historic connections, particularly its role in the regional salt trade. In his youth, he heard stories from his father and other elders who journeyed all the way to Changthang to obtain salt. When Tundup turned 30, he undertook his first and only expedition to Sakti-Chemrey salt market, where he bartered barley and phey for salt. He made the journey with horses and donkeys, accompanied by his uncle Murup and two friends from Wanla, Tundup of the Chupi family and Phunsog of the Karey family. 

The exchange rate at Sakti-Chemrey for salt varied from twice the quantity of salt to three or four times from year to year. He recalls a rare year when, for some reason, a man from Yulchung managed to get nine times the quantity of salt in exchange for barley. Besides salt, most villagers would source part of their wool requirement from Changthang. While some bought it from the Sakti salt market, a few from the village would travel to Changthang to source it at a cheaper rate. This was then resold to the villagers back home. The Changthang wool was used as the weft while the local wool was used for warp.

Later, Tundup began sourcing salt locally from Shamma traders based in nearby villages like Khaltse. These traders themselves acquired their salt from the Sakti–Chemrey salt market. Tundup would then travel to Photoksar, Lingshed, and Yulchung, bartering the salt for barley at favorable rates. He was an active salt trader, making three rounds annually in spring, summer, and autumn. The road taken was the present-day motorable road, which was then a narrow trekking path. Of the three seasons, spring posed the greatest challenge, especially in crossing the Singge La, where swollen streams at its base made the passage treacherous. On a few occasions, while going towards south, he would take the route through the narrow gorge originating at Sumdo and  passing Askuta and Machu, a route used by locals during winters to reach Photoksar and beyond. This route had an additional summer access through the cliffs, locally known as Serlam or Braklam. This Serlam was possibly an extension to the Gyalpola route commissioned by Gyalpo Tsewang Namgyal in the 16th century.

Back in Hanupata, there would be occasional visits from the Shamma traders who came with chuli, phating, kushu, and some salt. Then there were the Chiktan traders who came to buy livestock for meat. In Hanupata, the main livestock were yaks and demo. In those days, each family had more than ten of these. Tundup remembers that his family had eighteen yaks and demos. Unlike the yak and the demo, which can be left in the mountains, cows require more personal care and are therefore not preferred in the region. Due to the relatively better availability of grassland in the mountains, the villagers from Wanla would enter into an agreement to hand over their cattle to Hanupata residents for a few months in summer. The trade was that the Hanupata residents would give them 2 to 3 kilograms of butter per milch animal per month. Whatever surplus milk, churpi, and tara, along with the animal waste, was for the Hanupata villagers to keep.

 To supplement his income, Tundup would also weave the traditional Ladakhi basket tsepo from sed. The raw material would be sourced from the nearby areas during autumn and kept in water for 8 to 9 days. The actual weaving would start in the winters or spring. He would then travel to the nearby villages of the Sham region to sell the tsepo for as low as four annas. The present-day price of a tsepo made of sed is more than ₹1,000. He also made the traditional Ladakhi shoes designed with thikma and sold them to earn some extra income.

At Stok: With Sonam Wangchuk le (85) and Tashi Putit le (89), Nyamshan family, Stok.

Both Sonam Wangchuk and Tashi Putit have spent much of their lives in Stok, working the fields and tending to livestock. Sonam recalls that he was around 20 years old when he first travelled to the Sakti–Chemrey salt market, where he bartered barley for salt. The exchange rate varied from year to year, sometimes requiring twice the quantity of salt for an equal amount of barley, while at other times, the trade was on equal terms.

Tashi Putit remembers the saddlebag known as lugal, which the Changpa traders used to load salt onto sheep. In Stok, these lugals were highly prized, as wool was scarce in the village and the bags served as durable carriers for essentials. There were two distinct types of salt available at Sakti:

1. Tsamar (red), considered the more premium variety, and

2. Tsakar (white), the standard kind.

In addition to bartering salt, some for household use and some for resale in Stok, Sonam Wangchuk also engaged in the trade of phating, a product he purchased from Shamma traders and sold further east in Durbuk, in the Changthang region.

Seasonal Livestock Agreements and Migrations:

One of the major seasonal events in their lives, as in many Stokpa households, was the annual migration of livestock to highland pastures near Stok Kangri. These pastures were not used solely by Stok residents. Each year, around the fourth month of the lunar calendar, families from Chushot entered into formal agreements with Stokpas, entrusting their livestock to them for a period of three to four months.

Sonam recalls taking a day-long trek to Rumbak to bring additional cattle under similar agreements. Sometimes, even relatives from villages like Thiksey would request the Stokpas to keep their animals for the summer grazing season. By the eighth lunar month, the Chushot families would return to retrieve their animals. 

This arrangement was long considered a mutually beneficial tradition:

The animals received rich nourishment in the meadows. A fee of 1 Pao ( 250 grams) of butter called Shemar and a plate of Churpee was paid to the owners by the at the end of the season. The Stokpas benefited from animal dung, and a share of the milk. When firewood was scarce in Ladakh, animal waste served as a crucial fuel source. Two types were especially important:

1. Cattle dung, which was dried and stored directly for use.

2. Rilmang, the droppings of goats and sheep, which required further processing.

The Rilmang was spread in the open and left to break down into a sticky material called Rikpa. To this, villagers added a locally found plant known as Nyalo. The ideal time for mixing was during light drizzle, which helped bind the materials. The resulting paste was then shaped into fuel cakes, dried, and carried back on donkeys to the village along with the cattle dung, both considered valuable fuel stock.

The summer pastures were divided among families. Popular grazing and camping sites included:

Changma, Chortenchan, Makkarmo, Zurler, Yarley, and Phan.Toward the east, near Martho Phu, additional grazing grounds included: Kungkungmar and Chatkangchan.

Phuntog Tundup (aged 71), of the Chuyinkpa Family, Photoksar Village

 

Phuntog Tundup, a lifelong resident of Photoksar, recalls the oral histories passed down by his elders. According to him, the earliest settlers of Photoksar were Brokpas. However, in ancient times, an unusually heavy snowfall devastated the region, destroying crops and making life unsustainable. As a result, the Brokpa settlers are said to have abandoned the village of Photoksar.

Tundup spent most of his life as a Barzee—a traditional herder responsible for tending to the livestock of fellow villagers in the high-altitude pastures. In return for this service, he was required to pay a Shey (fee), typically four battis (measures) of butter for every one demo (female yak or cow) he tended. Whatever remained—be it butter or produce—was his to keep.

Around the age of twenty, Tundup began travelling to Leh, carrying with him butter and churpi for sale. From the modest income he earned in the Leh market, he would purchase essentials such as tea, salt, and spices. He distinctly remembers his elders sourcing salt from the Changthang region, which he describes as being far tastier and more desirable than the salt later distributed through government ration shops.

Wool from local livestock was often insufficient for the needs of the Photoksar villagers. As a result, they would purchase additional wool from Changpa traders who brought it from the Changthang plateau and sold it in Leh. According to Tundup, Changthang wool was of exceptional quality, available in shades of white, black, and beige. He recalls paying approximately ₹250 per kilogram for the best grade wool.

Apart from his herding duties, Tundup was also skilled in various traditional Ladakhi crafts. Using the wool collected during his time in the mountains, he produced tsali, tsogtul, shoes, and rebo. He also crafted traditional baskets known as tsepo. Unlike the people of Hanupata, who typically used chipkyang for their baskets, Tundup preferred Langmey, a sturdier plant he considered more durable.

He also recalls that in earlier times, his elders prepared and sold charcoal at a site known as Ashkuta Rong. During those years, Balti traders would make annual visits to Photoksar, often purchasing livestock from local residents.

Of historical interest is Tundup’s reference to Photoksar’s past reputation as a source of rare iron in Ladakh. He speaks of a bao (cave) in the nearby hamlet of Machu Pharka, where iron smelting was once practiced. Another smelting site is located in Ashkuta, where iron was similarly extracted and forged. The iron from these sites was used to manufacture tsogtse and khem.

With Sonam Norpel, 78, of the Malaps Family, Hanupata.

According to Sonam Norpel, aged 78, of the Malaps family in Hanupata village, the origins of the village trace back to an accidental discovery by his ancestors. He believes that the early settlers of Hanupata came from the Changthang region. This belief is supported by the presence of the village’s guardian deity, Kajukongta, who is also venerated in parts of Changthang, especially in Shachukul. The first family to settle in Hanupata was the Khangchenpa, followed by the Zingzhukpa and Yokmapa families—each of whom are believed to have migrated from Changthang. Today, the villagers maintain phaspun (ritual kinship ties) with relatives across Zanskar, Changthang, and Leh.

In earlier times, Sonam Norpel’s family had three primary sources of salt:

1. Gifts from Relatives in Lamayuru

The main source was salt gifted by members of the Shutupa family in Lamayuru. The elder of that family used to travel to Tibet specifically to procure salt, which was then shared with kin.

2. Shamma Traders from Takmachik and Tingmosgang

Another source was through occasional visits by Shamma traders from villages like  Takmachik and Tingmosgang, who typically arrived in the ninth month. These traders sourced salt either directly from Tibet or indirectly from Changpa traders who frequented the salt markets at Sakti and Chemrey.

There were two kinds of Shamma traders: those who had been to Sakti and those who hadn’t. The latter group only traded in apricots. Besides salt and apricots, Shamma traders were also known to travel further into Zanskar and Lingshed, where they purchased livestock.In Hanupata, the money used to purchase salt and goods often came from the sale of livestock to buyers from Chiktan. Sonam recalls that in his father’s time, a yak would sell for Rs 300—a price that today has risen to around Rs 1,00,000.

3. Local Purchase by Sirilupa Elder

The third source was a local elder from the Sirilupa family in Hanupata, who would personally travel to Sakti to buy salt and bring it back to the village.

Wool was also a traded necessity. While the village produced some wool, it was not sufficient for all needs. Local wool was used primarily for the warp, whereas the softer, high-quality wool from Changthang—purchased in Leh—was used for the weft in weaving.

Trade and Travel Routes

The primary direction of trade and travel for Hanupata villagers was towards Lamayuru and Wanla. Journeys towards Lingshed were rare and usually undertaken for pilgrimage purposes. The most frequented route passed through the Gyapola pass to Wanla, and from there either to Lamayuru or Khaltse. The main reason for visiting Lamayuru was to access the government ration shop.

During the summer, villagers from Photoksar would also use this route, as the usual Rong path would be rendered impassable due to swollen waters.

Another important source of income for Sonam’s family came from weaving traditional baskets known as Tsepo. There were two main varieties:

• Tsepo made from Sed

Collected in the autumn from nearby hills, Sed was soaked in water over the winter and then used for weaving in spring. These baskets were durable and thus more expensive.

• Tsepo made from Chipkyang

Cheaper and less long-lasting, baskets made from Chipkyang sold at a lower price.

As a young man, Sonam would carry about 12 Tsepo baskets to sell in the Tia and Tingmosgang area, fetching roughly Rs 2.50 each. Today, a Sed basket sells for around Rs 100, while the more delicately woven Chipkyang variant fetches up to Rs 800.

At Digar with Aba Rinchen Gyalpo-le, aged 95

 

Rinchen Gyalpo of the Kulpa family in Digar has lived a long and eventful life as both zamindar and trader. For much of his life, he cultivated barley, peas, and mustard. But he also engaged in the seasonal trade of salt and wool with Nubra, sourcing his goods from the Changpa nomads who visited Tangyar.

The Changpas arrived in Tangyar carrying salt, wool, butter, cheese, and dried meat. In return, they bartered for barley. The standard exchange rate, as Rinchen recalls, was one batti (roughly 2 kilograms) of salt for one and a half battis of barley. The Tangyar market was a lively scene, drawing not only villagers but also traders from Nubra and Baltistan, many of whom travelled with doltoks, heavy stone pots,strapped to their backs.

During the summer months, Rinchen Gyalpo would buy salt and wool from the Changpas and carry it to Nubra to trade for wheat. While the Nubrapas who came to Tangyar offered three battis of wheat for a single batti of wool, Rinchen could often double his return by selling directly in Nubra,fetching up to 6 battis, and occasionally even 24 kilograms, depending on market demand.

His journeys took him to distant villages such as Panamik, Chamshen, and Yarma. Travel was made mostly on horseback or with the help of dzos and yaks. Donkeys, were a rare sight in those days.

Gyalpo was around 30 when he first began trading as a supplementary source of income. He continued to do so periodically until his final trading trip, which took place shortly before the 1971 war with Pakistan. It has now been more than fifty years, he says, since the Changpa caravans last visited these routes.

For additional household shopping,especially during the summer and around Losar Rinchen would undertake overnight journeys to Leh via the Digar La pass. There, he would sell his barley in the bustling chang market at Naushehar, where women from various households sat selling chang (local barley wine). He fondly recounts : the women sellers would compete for barley, offering cups of chang to the sellers.

“By the time a person reached the end of the market,” he’d be drunk from sipping chang from every seller"

Hanle:Tsering Dorjey, 86 years old.

 

Tsering Dorjey is among the most experienced men one can meet in the Rupsho region of southeastern Ladakh. According to Dorjey, people from Hanle and the surrounding areas once sourced salt from three principal locations:

Mindum Tsaka, the farthest, a 14-day journey from Hanle

Takdong, about 9 days

Gertse, roughly a week

These arduous journeys were undertaken twice a year, once in autumn/winter, setting out around the ninth lunar month and returning by the twelfth, lasting nearly three months; and again in spring, returning by early summer, typically within two and a half months.

Dorjey first travelled to Mindum Tsaka at the age of 16 with his uncle. He recalls stepping into the lake itself and extracting salt using a long-handled tool called Chalkyam or Kaduk. This work lasted 3–4 days, after which the salt was left to dry for another 3–4 days. Once dried, it was packed into lugals ( pair of bags loaded on sheep) for the journey back to Hanle. By the time they returned, the lugals had shrunk noticeably due to the loss of moisture.

At Takdong, which Dorjey visited at 18, there were no lakes and salt was extracted from the base of a mountain using a pickaxe called Togtsey. Unlike Mindum Tsaka, the salt here was already dry and ready for immediate transport.

Gertse, like Mindum Tsaka, was also a lake source.

Dorjey remembers encountering large groups of Shamma traders at all three locations. These traders were distinct in that they travelled with donkeys, unlike the locals who used sheep.

Salt collectors were required to pay a fixed tax at each lake. At Gertse, the tax was one rupee per khalba ( male sheep) paid in a coin known as a Jau. Each lake had only a single route in and out, making it impossible to evade tax collectors, who camped strategically along the trails. However, Dorjey recalls that 20–30% discounts were often granted in exchange for food gifts.

Hanle : Sonam Dechen, 93 years old.

Sonam Dechen is among the last living witnesses in Ladakh to have journeyed to the legendary salt lakeof Mindum Tsaka to procure salt for trade in Ladakh and the Spiti Valley of Himachal Pradesh. He made this arduous journey three times, the final one when he was 25. Each time, he served as a Lukzee, a sheep herder and porter for local trading parties. The route led from Hanle across Poti La, then onward through Koyul and Demchok, and eventually to the salt lake. The route involved crossing 4 main passes. The return journey took 2 months. Sonam Dechen recalls traveling in a small caravan of around four men and nearly 200 sheep. These salt expeditions were typically undertaken twice a year, during the spring and autumn seasons.

At the lake, a levy called the Tsa-Yon, a salt tax or fee was paid to the officials who supervised access to the site. Using a traditional shovel-like tool called a Kadung, the traders scooped up crystallized salt and piled it into conical heaps along the shore. The salt was left to dry for about a week before being loaded onto Ladakhi sheep.

Once back from Mindum Tsaka, the traders would head either toward Spiti or to settlements in Ladakh’s Indus Valley, places like Martselang, Leh, and Sakti, to barter the salt. In those days, the exchange rate was three battis of salt for one batti of barley.

At Rongo, Rupsho, with Chamchot Tashi, 79, and Urgain Dolma.

 

According to Aba Tashi, in earlier times, Pashmina did not hold the high value it commands today. Any small amount of Pashmina available was traditionally offered to the monasteries. A monk, known as a Leesee, would visit Rongo in the fourth or fifth month, specifically tasked with counting the Pashmina goats. An equivalent number of rounded Pashmina balls would then be offered to him. It was much later that Pashmina began to gain its current worth. The annual visit of the Leesee monk to Rongo, and this tradition, ceased approximately 30 years ago.

Historically, villages in the vicinity shared a deeply symbiotic relationship with the Hemis monastery. Pasturelands in the region were specifically designated and named according to the animals reared for the monasteries in the region:

• Raque: for the monastery's goats.

• Maque: for rearing female sheep.

• Deque: for Demo (a type of cow-yak hybrid) and Yak.

• Kharluk: for Khalba (male sheep).

• Barzee: located just beyond the Hanle monastery, for cows.

• Chips se Goba was the term for the person or place responsible for caring for the horses.

When Tashi was around 14, his uncle would embark on salt-sourcing journeys to Mindun Tsaka, located beyond Demchok. They would travel with sheep, not horses, taking the well-trodden road from Dumtsele. These expeditions typically occurred in the eighth or ninth month of the year. After acquiring the salt, they would rest for about two weeks before heading to villages near Leh, such as Leh itself, Martho, and Stok, to trade the salt for barley.

The same villagers also made annual trips to Himachal Pradesh, this time to sell wool in exchange for rice. Tashi distinctly remembers one such journey in 1962 when he accompanied his uncle. Their route took them towards Chumur, a day's journey, then to Tega Zong, and finally across the snow-covered Parangla Pass. They would cross Parangla in the middle of the night to avoid avalanches.

The journey from Chumur to Spiti took five days, passing through Sergatha, Takchuthang, Tarakurkur, and Lakartsey. In Spiti, they traded their sheared wool for a different variety of barley, which Tashi called Sua. Rice was sourced from areas further beyond Spiti within Himachal Pradesh. For these arduous trips, they exclusively used male sheep, known as Khalba, numbering about 30. Four men would accompany them, opting for Khalba over goats due to their wool-bearing capacity and superior sturdiness for carrying loads over long distances.

Lato, Rupsho.

 

Aba Sonam Angdu, 77, and his wife Tsering Langzey, 80, reside in Loma, a hamlet renowned for its bridge over the Indus, which tourists cross en route to Hanle. Sonam Angdu spent most of his youth working as a Lukzee- a person primarily responsible for tending to the sheep and goats. He recalls that around the age of 16, he would frequently travel to Leh with his father to trade sheep wool. They would load approximately 200 male sheep (Khalba) and male goats (Rabo) with empty saddlebags, known as lugals. These expeditions involved three to four men, with one Lukzee  Upon reaching villages like Sakti, Chemrey, and Martselang, his father would begin selling wool, sheared on-site, in exchange for barley and wheat, which would then fill the empty lugals.

He remembers his father undertaking long journeys towards the east of Demchok to source salt for resale in Ladakh. After access to these sources was lost due to geopolitical reasons, around 1959, his father and other people in the region began crossing the Polokongka La to source salt from Tsokar Lake in the Samad Rakchan region, towards Kharnak. He recalls that villagers from the Samad Rakchan settlements around the lake had stationed guards to prevent unauthorized salt collection.

Sonam Angdu visited Spiti in Himachal Pradesh three times. While other informants in nearby Rupshu villages stated that the journey from Chumur to Spiti took four or five days, Sonam Angdu's return journey took approximately two months, likely due to his role as a lukzee rather than a trader. After traveling for a few days towards Chumur, the last settlement before reaching Spiti, the shepherds would often rest there for several days to allow the sheep to recuperate, a practice known as Changma in the local language. 

He remembers traveling to Spiti during winters with the sheep. During these times, he often preferred to travel at night, especially when crossing glaciers, as these glaciers were prone to avalanches. The risk of avalanches was reduced at night when the ice held better due to the cold. He remembers how a member of the team would travel in front of the animals to find the route through the snow and the mountains, and the hundreds of sheep and goats would follow in a single line. After crossing the Parangla and reaching Spiti, he remembers witnessing a local market where wool, wheat, and rice were exchanged. This market was frequented by traders from Karja and nearby villages. 

He worked like this until the age of 25. Later, when he wanted to join the Indian Army, his father did not let him do so as he wanted him to stay close to them.Life was tough, and despite the trade, villagers faced problems. During these times, they would seek assistance from the Hemis Chakzot, who would loan them grains that were repaid the following year in the form of wool, Pashmina, or livestock.

At Chumur with Tsetan Angmole, 82-year-old.

For centuries, the people of Rupsho, including those from Chumur, Hanle, Korzok, Loma, Rongo and other villages have embraced a nomadic pastoralist lifestyle. Interestingly, despite its geographical distance from Korzok, Chumur shares a unique administrative bond, falling under the purview of Korzok's single headman, known as the Goba in Ladakhi.

I met Ama Tsetan when she was camped with her goats and sheep in Tarla, a spot on the way to Chumur. She and other villagers from Chumur had been there for four months and were soon heading back home with their herds, timing their return to match that of Korzok residents who had been camped nearby.

Ama Tsetan vividly recalled that before 1959, her father and other men from Chumur would journey to regions beyond Demchok to source salt for trading. Life was undeniably tough, marked by severe food scarcity. This hardship necessitated two annual trips to the salt lakes, one in summer and another in autumn.

According to Ama Tsetan and other sources, once back the men quickly venture into either Zanskar or Spiti in Himachal Pradesh to trade this salt along with wool.

The men from Rupsho had established specific routes for their trading expeditions:

To Zanskar: They would cross the Polokonga Pass, connect with the present-day Leh-Manali route, and enter Zanskar near the Lingti River. From there, they'd disperse into the Lungnak and Stod regions of Zanskar to trade their salt and wool for barley.

To Spiti: This route took them through the Parangla Pass, a journey of four to five days from Chumur.

Their visits to Spiti served different purposes depending on the season:

Summer visits coincided with the sheep and goat shearing season. During these trips, they primarily sold wool and a limited amount of salt, with the animals often shorn right there in Spiti.

Autumn visits were dedicated to trading salt, and importantly, to selling sheep for meat.

Ama Tsetan shared that barley was the typical item received in barter for their goods. This was crucial for survival, as the extreme cold in Chumur made crop cultivation incredibly challenging.

At Khema Village with Ama Tashi Palmo.

Tashi Palmo, 80, from Khema village, fondly recalls the once-bustling market in the neighboring village of Tangyar, where the men of Khema regularly sourced salt and wool. While Tangyar remained the primary commercial hub, a handful of Changpa traders occasionally journeyed directly to Khema, providing a secondary supply of these vital goods. Among them was a prominent trader, Changpa Namlang, who would stay in the village for around fifteen days during his visits. Among the many goods they brought, the most eagerly awaited by Khema’s women was the rare charu, a luxurious fur garment traditionally worn with the perak, the iconic Ladakhi headdress. Charu was crafted from the soft hide of a young sheep, barely a year old, locally known as Lugu. 

These traders typically camped in two fields on the outskirts of Khema, named, Goma and Langya, particularly in the autumn months when the fields lay fallow. In contrast, summer visits were rare, as there were no open spaces available for encampment; during that season, the Changpas confined their trade to Tangyar. 

Palmo also recalls a time when nearly every household in the region depended on grain loans from wealthy families such as the Katong and Lababs. These loans, typically of barley, were taken for both household consumption and agricultural sowing. Repayment was expected after the autumn harvest. The traditional interest rate, known as del, required the borrower to return one khal (equivalent to 12 kilograms) for every four khals borrowed. Later, through the efforts of the late 19th Bakula Rinpoche, this rate was reduced to one khal per eight khals borrowed, before the practice of charging interest was abolished altogether.

One particularly vivid memory Palmo shares is of a practice involving the seasonal rearing of livestock for Nubra families. Wealthy pastoralists from Nubra, unable to graze their large herds during the summer months, would entrust goats and sheep to trusted families in Khema. From the fourth month of the Ladakhi calendar until autumn, these animals would graze on Khema’s more abundant pastures.

The arrangement was mutually beneficial. The host families in Khema retained the manure, a valuable agricultural resource, while the livestock owners benefited from summer grazing. If a goat produced sufficient milk, the Khema family owed the owner one khal of barley. For lesser yields, the payment was halved. No payment was due for non-milking animals. In cases where an animal died, the caretakers were obliged to prove that the death was genuine and not a case of illicit sale. This verification practice, known as Shindas Stongyas, involved preserving parts of the deceased animal, most often its ears, as evidence.

When Palmo was a child, only three families in Khema participated in this practice. Over time, the number grew to nine, forming a group locally referred to as the Ratcho. Her own family took on the responsibility of rearing as many as 300 goats and sheep from the Labak family of Sumur in Nubra.

The Salt Market of Nubra: Recollections of Aba Sonam Wangchuk of Tangyar.

Aba Sonam Wangchuk, a 76-year-old elder from Tangyar village, belonging to the Tokpopa family, recalls a vital yet now largely forgotten chapter in Ladakh’s trade history.  Till about 40 years ago Tangyar served as a key epicentre for the salt and wool trade supplying the entire Nubra region.

According to Aba Wangchuk, Changpa traders from the highlands south of Rudok would visit Tangyar twice annually. Their first visit, during the fifth month of the Ladakhi lunar calendar, was known as Yartsong, the summer market. The second, more significant visit occurred during the autumn months of September-October, and was known as Stontsong.

The autumn trade was primarily focused on salt, butter, and dried meat, all carried in twin panniers slung across sheep. The Changpa caravans would travel via Durbuk and Reli Chiling, crossing the high Neebula Pass to reach Tangyar. Upon arrival, they were allowed to camp only on the agricultural land owned by the Spituk Labrang. This was a long-standing custom that served dual purposes: it regulated the flow of outside traders, and the presence of large flocks of sheep helped naturally fertilise the monastery's fields. The Labrang, which once housed 3–4 monks, today lies in a dilapidated state.

Aba vividly remembers his friend Sonam Tundup, a trader who would arrive with up to 300 sheep, each laden with salt. The Changpa would pitch their black yak-hair tents on the Labrang land, and the seasonal trade would commence supplying much of Nubra with its annual requirement of salt and other essentials.

In contrast, the Yartsong market in summer focused mainly on the sale of wool, though smaller quantities of salt were also exchanged. Since the agricultural fields were under cultivation, the Changpa would camp in the nearby phu (high pasture). These pastures transformed into vibrant trading hubs during the season. The traders would shear their sheep on site, and sell the freshly shorn wool to villagers from Tangyar and traders from Nubra who made their way up to the phu.

Trade relationships during Yartsong were deeply personal and long-standing. Aba speaks fondly of his trading friends Karma and Sonam Tashi, with whom exchanges were often based on verbal agreements known as lochat or chatka, promises to deliver a fixed quantity of goods by a specified time the following year. These informal contracts were rarely broken, a testament to the ethical fabric of the barter system.

Wool formed a crucial source of income for many families in Tangyar. During the winter months, when wool fetched higher prices in the lower valleys, households would undertake journeys to Nubra. Salt, surplus from the Changpa trade  was often carried along as an additional commodity. Sonam Wangchuk himself recalls traveling to Yarma, passing through Agyam and Tirit on horseback, usually accompanied by two or three helpers. Trade in Nubra was conducted almost entirely on a barter basis, exchanging wool and salt for wheat, peas, and pulses.

Rangdum Village.

Tsering Tundup, 75 Yrs, from Rangdum remembers being just eight years old when he first accompanied his father on a trading journey to Zanskar. Their main objective was to acquire salt and Barley. At Rangdum where the harsh climate and barren soils made agriculture nearly impossible barley was sourced from Zanskar.

Rangdum’s true wealth, however, lay in its vast grazing lands. These high-altitude pastures sustained large herds of livestock, making dairy products, especially butter and chhurpi (hardened cheese) the backbone of the local economy. Like most families in the village, Tsering’s father would carry butter, chhurpi, and a small amount of cash to trade in Zanskar, exchanging them for grain and salt.

While barley was sourced from Zanskari households, the salt was acquired directly from the Changpa traders.

Tsering recalls being around 30 years old when the Changpa caravans abruptly stopped coming, a sudden end to a centuries-old trade route.

Unlike the people of Parkachik, the villagers of Rangdum were largely self-sufficient in wool, owing to their sizeable herds. Many households not only fulfilled their own needs but were also able to sell surplus wool and butter in Leh. Tsering made his first journey to Leh around the age of 25 and continued the practice for many years, traveling either via Kargil or the Kanji route. After reaching Henasku or the main highway near Kanji, he would often find transport with passing trucks or vehicles.

Each journey to Leh involved carrying approximately 15–20 kilograms of wool and 40 kilograms of butter. The butter fetched a respectable Rs 30–40 while the wool earned only Rs 5–6 per kilogram, a modest return for the effort and distance involved. To supplement their income, Tsering’s family also sold livestock to Balti traders, who would periodically visit Rangdum.