Skurbuchan Village : Sacred Geography and its people

Dorjey Sonam

Dorjey Sonam, 85, of the Kunga Stampelpa family in Skurbuchan village, Ladakh, India, recalls making numerous trips to the salt markets in Chemrey and Sakti villages during his youth. He carried nas (barley) and chuli (dried apricots) from Sham to trade for salt brought by Tibetan traders, whom he remembers coming from the Gerge region of Tibet. This was before the 1962 war with China. The journey was long and arduous, taking seven days on donkeys to reach Sakti from Skurbuchan—five days to Leh and an additional two days from Leh to Sakti. Dorjey vividly recalls the bustling salt markets filled with Tibetan traders and the fields of Sakti and Chemrey alive with thousands of raluk (goats and sheep) grazing across the landscape.

The market was held twice a year: once during spring, known as Spid Tsongs, and again in autumn-Ston Tsongs. The exchange rate at the market fluctuated, with the Tibetans often demanding two to three times the amount of nas in exchange for a given quantity of salt. The Tibetans measured salt using a container called a batti (equivalent to two kilograms), but Dorjey and other traders from Skurbuchan brought their own nyaga (a single-pan traditional balance) along with weights measuring one pao (250 grams), two pao, one kilogram, and eight pao. They typically spent two days at the market, purchasing salt from the Tibetans. While Dorjey only bought salt for personal use, some elders from his village ventured on longer journeys to Baltistan after returning to Skurbuchan. In Baltistan, they traded salt for apricots and butter. The Baltis, in turn, visited Skurbuchan and set up camp at a site in the village called Miyaskor. They brought stone utensils, known as doltoks, which they sold in Skurbuchan and neighbouring villages. These doltoks were transported on wooden frames called Kis-Kis. 

Besides the Sakti-Chemrey salt market, Dorjey Sonam also traveled on foot as far as Lamayuru village and Sonamarg. While his visits to Sonamarg in Kashmir were to buy his annual supply of goods, he visited Lamayuru to pay the heavy government tax in the form of nas. In Sonamarg, he would buy das (rice), toe (wheat), and peas. He recalls that, in those days, Rs 1 could buy 12 kg of peas, 7 kg of wheat, and Rs 2 would buy 1 kg of rice. Dorjey vividly remembers the extremely high government tax and describes those times as very difficult for the people of Ladakh. He would carry up to 35 kg of nas all the way to Lamayuru to pay his dues. A government official collected the barley at a government kutti, and often these interactions were bitter, as local officials frequently rejected the quality of the barley on trivial pretexts. Dorjey Sonam remembers the past life in Ladakh as both challenging and simple. Sadly, all of Dorjey’s companions who once traveled with him to the Sakti-Chemrey salt markets have since passed away.

Tsering Nurbu

Tsering Nurbu, 84, of the Tangkarpa family in Skurbuchan, endured many hardships during his early years. As a young man he took up any work he could find. He remembers that he would receive three Khal (one Khal is approximately 50-kilogram) of nas, for a whole year's work at a family’s household. He once accompanied traders from Skurbuchan on a journey to the Sakti salt market, where he helped care for their donkeys. On the return trip from Sakti, the traders stopped near Skampari, close to Leh, for rest and recreation. While the traders enjoyed well-deserved sessions of chang (local wine), Tsering was left in charge of the salt-laden donkeys. To make matters worse, the intoxicated traders began quarrelling with him, falsely accusing him of having swapped their donkeys.

In his mid 20s, after working as a helper for several years, Tsering received advice from his father to leave his job and start a business to improve his circumstances. With Rs. 60 that Tsering had saved and an additional Rs. 30 contributed by his father, they decided to travel to Srinagar to purchase goods for trade. One of their main concerns during the journey was their inability to count numbers in Hindi and Urdu, which they feared would create difficulties in transactions. In those days, the journey to Srinagar was made entirely on foot. Without donkeys to assist them, the father and son opted to carry the return load on their backs. To prepare for the demanding task, Tsering’s father decided to train the young and inexperienced Tsering in the use of a Kis-Kis—a traditional load-carrying wooden frame commonly used by long-distance travelers in Ladakh. 

The Kis-Kis, worn on the back, was specifically designed to transport heavy loads over long distances. It was used alongside a long stick, which served as both a walking aid and a load-supporting tool. When the carrier grew tired, the stick was skillfully positioned under the load, allowing the person to rest while standing upright, with the stick bearing the weight. After a few days of training, they started their journey to Kashmir. On the way, there was always the fear of being waylaid by robbers known as Chakpas. To stay safe, Tsering and his father would take precautions by finishing all cooking activities, especially the mandatory Ladakhi chai, before sunset. Immediately after, they would find a good place to hide—either above or below the road, but never on the roadside. There, they would sleep in silence until sunrise, when they would resume their journey.

During their first visit to Srinagar, Tsering and his father came across a shop offering teacups at an incredible discount: Rs. 1 for a set of 70 cups. Seizing the opportunity, Tsering purchased two sets for Rs. 2. Along with the teacups, they also bought daily-use items such as utensils, chai, matchboxes, and dye colors. The arduous journey to and from Srinagar on foot took 27 days. On the 28th day, Tsering went around Skurbuchan bartering his stock of items from Kashmir. He exchanged each teacup for one Aaloo pari (an empty tin can of potatoes) filled with barley, earning a handsome profit.

With the few cups remaining, he traveled to Khalste and sold them all. For the first time in his life, Tsering felt happy and confident, realizing the potential of his entrepreneurial skills. His success earned him increased attention and respect from the community. Tsering’s father, seeing the rewards of this venture, remarked that had Tsering continued as a helper—a Kharpon or Rarzee—their circumstances would never have improved. He encouraged Tsering to keep visiting Kashmir. Over the years, Tsering undertook seven more trips to Kashmir, steadily growing his fortunes with each journey.

Tsering continued his business ventures and once carried two sacks of rice, each weighing 23 kilograms, on his back across the Zojila Pass in his Kis-Kis. He hoped the rice would help his mother overcome a long-standing challenge she had faced throughout her life. At the time, Tsering’s mother sourced the family’s wool by cleaning raw wool that women from the village would leave at their home. For each batch of wool she cleaned, she kept half and returned the other half to the owner. Although this work was physically exhausting, it was essential for meeting the family's need for wool. That year, Tsering made a trip to the Sakti-Chemrey salt market, bringing with him the two sacks of rice he had bought in Kashmir. According to Tsering, this was few years before the 1962 war. At the market, the Tibetans also sold wool alongside salt, and Tsering managed to exchange nearly equal amounts of wool for the rice. This successful trade marked a significant turning point: Tsering’s mother was able to stop working for others and began processing her own wool.

Once, while in Kashmir, Tsering and a few other Ladakhis were fortunate to meet Ven. 19th Bakula Rinpoche, who generously gifted each of them 26 kilos of rice, a piece of cloth for a goncha (traditional Ladakhi dress), a patloon (pair of pants), a kameez (shirt), and a tipi (a type of hat). To this day, Tsering cherishes the event and believes that it was because of Bakula Rinpoche’s blessings that he was able to prosper in business.

Tsering Dolma

The concept of Phaspun is an important part of the social structure among Buddhists in Ladakh. A loose definition of Phaspun could be a group of people connected through a shared protective deity called "phas-lha." In Skurbuchan, there is a group of families that identify with a Phaspun known as the Gyashingpas, with their protective deity referred to as Tashi Nyenbo 

According to Tsering Dolma, a member of the Gyashingpa Phaspun, centuries ago, a princess named Onjor from across the Karakoram range was married to a king in the region. Tsering Dolma’s ancestors came as Nyopas (assistants) to the princess, and since then, they have settled in Skurbuchan. Within the Gyashingpas, there is another unique group of 5 to 6 families known as the Jingba Ringmos (Long Neck), who have a traditional role during social ceremonies, such as weddings, when they sit in a separate row next to the row of the Kagas, symbolically acting as protectors of the event. This old tradition is still practiced in Skurbuchan. In addition to the Gyashingpas, there was another Phaspun known as the Rablonpas, which in the beginning included many monks. While the Gyashingpas acted as guardians of the bride princess on her way to Ladakh, the Rablonpas accompanied the queen, offering prayers and taking care of religious rituals.

The Gyashingpas observe a unique and peculiar cultural practice. According to their tradition, if the spoon used to prepare the native dish Paba breaks during cooking, the entire dish must be discarded. Although this custom may appear insignificant, it holds profound cultural importance within the Gyashingpa Phaspun. Initially, there were only 18 families from the Gyashingpa Phaspun and 11 families from the Rablonpa Phaspun in Skurbuchan. Over time, their numbers have grown significantly. However, the Gyashingpas are not limited to Skurbuchan, as the author has also observed a few Gyashingpa families in the villages of Skyu and Stok.

Thinley Nurbu  in front  of Gyalpo Phong, Skurbuchan

Skurbuchan is home to some of the most important historical Chortens, Manis, and stone inscriptions in all of Ladakh. Near Tsering Dolma’s ancestral house stands a group of Chortens, which she believes contains the pearl necklace of Queen Onjor. Just before reaching the house, on the right side of the pathway, lies a group of Mani walls that feature two significant historical stone inscriptions. The first inscription, now broken into two pieces, mentions King Deleks Namgyal and Skurbuchan village. The second stone, which remains intact, references King Deldan Namgyal.

One of the most significant sites in Skurbuchan is associated with King Sengge Namgyal (Sen-ge-rnam-rgyal), the powerful 17th-century ruler of the Namgyal dynasty in Ladakh, who reigned from around 1616 until his death in approximately 1642. Known as the "Lion King," Sengge Namgyal was a devout Buddhist celebrated for his extensive contributions to the construction of monasteries, palaces, and shrines throughout Ladakh. While his reign and achievements are well-documented, including his death at Hanle, the circumstances of his birth remain steeped in legend. 

Local lore from Skurbuchan recounts that Sengge Namgyal's mother, Gyalmo Gyal Khatun, went into labor while traveling back to Timosgang and paused to rest in Skurbuchan. It is said that Sengge Namgyal was born beneath a boulder at a location now called Gyalpo Phong. Today, this site holds great spiritual significance within Skurbuchan’s sacred geography.

Stone inscription mentioning Gyalpo Sengge Namgyal

A short distance to the left of Gyalpo Phong from the main road, less than a hundred meters away, lies an extensive Mani wall. This wall is adorned with a rare stone inscription that references significant historical figures and landmarks, including Gyalpo Sengge Namgyal, Gyalmo Skalzang Dolma, Minister Aku Garmo, Deldan Namgyal, Indra Bodhi, Nurzin Gyalmo, the Indus River, and the Chosgyal Photang—the Palace of the Dharma King in Tingmosgang village. While these inscriptions from Skurbuchan have been documented in the past, they appear to have been largely forgotten and are now absent from contemporary discussions on Ladakhi history.

-The author extends sincere gratitude to the Honorable Councillor of Skurbuchan, Lundup Dorjey le, for his invaluable support in facilitating this visit.

-Tashi Namgyal le, Lecturer and prominent scholar from Ladakh, and the son of the late legendary historian Sonam Phunstog Achinathangpa, introduced the author to the Gyashingpa families and the historical stone inscriptions of Skurbuchan.

-Thinley Nurbu le, former Sarpanch of Achinathang Village, assisted the author in facilitating local contacts and travel.

The Brokpas of Ladakh: Petroglyphs, Doltoks and Telegraph

Chamba Gyaltsan

The Brokpa community, settled in villages along the banks of the Indus River in Ladakh, India, is regarded as one of the earliest settler groups in the region. Chamba Gyaltsan, now 97 years old and a resident of Dah village, is one of the oldest members of the Brokpa community. He recalls the legend of his ancestors—three brothers named Galo, Melo, and Dulo—who migrated from Gilgit centuries ago. They first settled in Dah and later expanded to Hanu, Garkhon, Darchik, and neighboring villages.

The author met him in Baldes, a small hamlet of Dah. Reflecting on his disciplined youth, Chamba credits his health to a life centered around farming and family responsibilities. During his youth each day began around 4 a.m., feeding their horses, donkeys, and goats before starting fieldwork without breakfast. Time was marked by the sun’s position rather than clocks; as it rose above the mountains, they knew it was time to head home for their first meal. Food was seasonal: in autumn and winter, they ate paaba made from chaa (sorghum) for warmth, while in summer, barley was used to make kholak and paaba.

When Chamba was a young man, many from the Brokpa villages, including Chamba's father, journeyed to the salt markets in the Sakti and Chemrey villages, where they traded their barley and phating (dried apricots) for salt with Changpa traders. In these markets, only the leader of the Changpa group handled negotiations. Salt was traded in solid natural blocks known as Tsa dok-dok, rather than in powder form. The typical exchange rate was three battis (about 2 kg) of salt for one batti of phating, with separate rates set for wool (bal) and sheep. If needed, Changpa traders used a traditional scale called nyaga, calibrated with a stone known as pordo, to measure goods.

After returning from the Sakti-Chemrey market, Chamba's father and fellow villagers traveled over a week from Dah to reach Skardu and Shigar in Baltistan, where they traded salt for additional phating (dried apricots). It was customary for family members to escort relatives till Olding and Morol in Baltistan, where they crossed rivers in a ritual known as chu phingey phiya, or “crossing the water.” At 18, shortly after his marriage, Chamba joined this journey himself, traveling from Dah through Gurgurdo, Phuru, and Dansar to reach Morol—a three-day trek.

According to Chamba, the route to Skardo was known to involve crossing three major rivers. While Chamba could only identify the Leh-Chu (Indus) and Kusting Chu (Shyok), maps suggest that the third river might have been the Drass River, which travelers likely crossed to reach Olding before crossing the Indus again to arrive in Morol. This remains a hypothesis and could be refined with new information. At Morol, Chamba observed how the Brokpas relied on native Baltis to help them cross the rivers, using inflated buffalo skins called Jaks. The Baltis would place a Spangleb—a wooden slab—on two Jaks and secure it with ropes, creating a sturdy boat called a Thorow, capable of carrying both people and animals. Chamba saw that while men, donkeys, and cattle sailed on the Thorow, the horses would literally swim across the rivers. After ensuring his father’s safe crossing, Chamba returned to Dah.

The annual visits that the Brokpa traders made to the Sakti-Chemrey salt markets were primarily for trading salt in Baltistan. However, for personal use, the Brokpas in Dah mainly relied on Shamma traders, who traveled directly to villages in winter to sell salt and wool. These Shamma traders came from neighbouring villages of Saspol, Skurbuchan, and Temisgang, often braving heavy snowfall in the 11th and 12th months of the Ladakhi calendar. The annual visits of the Shamma traders and their trade involving tsa (salt) and bal (wool) were known as Tsatob Baltob by the Brokpas. The sturdy Shamma traders would camp in open fields, brewing tea, even during snow in harsh winter conditions. They borrowed shovels from villagers to clear the snow and covered their donkeys with thick covers for warmth.  The Brokpas would offer them supplies of kornak or patchaa—the remains of apricot kernels after oil extraction—as feed for their donkeys and dried turnips and chuli (apricots) in exchange of salt.

However, there were times of salt scarcity and Chamba narrated a little known practice followed by the Brokpas in the past. During times of scarcity, the Brokpa community, including Chamba Gyalstan's family, practiced an ingenious tradition of gathering Pa-tsaa from nearby mountains. This whitish substance, which resembled soda found in Nubra, was collected from soil secretions in certain mountainous areas. Chamba explained that his parents would carry it as a mixture of soil and stones back home, where they would process it by mixing it with water in a doltok ( stone utensil). The water was then filtered and used as a substitute for salt, helping the community manage during shortages.

Before India's independence in 1947, Leh served as Ladakh's summer capital, while Skardu was the winter capital. Government business operated through a Darbar Shift, with officials moving between the two locations based on the season. Communication between Leh and Skardu was maintained through telegrams and mail. Once, while in Leh, Chamba recalls witnessing a strange machine on which a government employee was operating a handle at different frequencies. Curious about the device, he learned that the silver wires connecting Leh to Skardu enabled the machine, known as the telegraph, to transmit messages across the distance.

In the past, doltoks (stone utensils) were a significant trade item between the Brokpas and the Baltis of Baltistan. Chamba shared that these essential utensils were crafted by villagers from Kusting (the old name for Hassanabad), located along the Shyok River, now in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. The Brokpas would meet the Kusting villagers at Kusting La, the site for Doltoks making. Kusting la, a mountain pass accessible from Dah after crossing Nyerda, was an area known for its abundant stone resources ideal for making doltoks. This trade involved Brokpas from Dah and villagers from Khalste, who traveled specifically to acquire these utensils. A mutual understanding existed between the communities: Brokpas would leave any unattended doltoks untouched, while Kusting villagers refrained from disturbing the Brokpas' cattle grazing in the area. Due to limited income, Kusting villagers also traveled annually to Shimla in Himachal Pradesh for seasonal work. Chamba Gyaltsan recalls seeing them pass through Dah, often stopping to rest at the changra (a communal space for celebrations) along their journey.

Meeting with Chamba Gyaltsan was filled with many anecdotal discussions. The areas around the Brokpa villages of Ladakh are famous for their high concentration of petroglyphs. Chamba shared a mystical explanation for the petroglyphs found around Khalste and Brokpa villages in the Indus Valley. According to him, these engravings are not man-made but were created by tiny beings known as Ileyphru, who work only under the cover of darkness. So small that they could fit into a cap. He claims to have witnessed this phenomenon firsthand when, once overnight, a petroglyph appeared on a local boulder. Chamba notes that local folklore holds that if one encounters an Ileyphru, the creature may grant a wish.

The oppressive Res or Thal system required villagers to provide free labor to government officials as they traveled between Leh, Kargil, and neighboring villages. For Dah’s 35 families, this duty extended from Nyurla to Lamayuru. Chamba vividly remembers one particularly challenging Res duty: transporting large tires across the mountains, a task that left him with painful rashes on his back. In addition to Res, villagers faced Jinsi and Bhaps taxes, collected twice a year by the Goba (village head) and submitted at Lamayuru. Chamba also recalls a time when nearly everything in Ladakh was taxed, from horses to land. 

Besides these obligations, the Ladakhis had to deal with a barrage of government officials making unreasonable demands. During Losar, the Kazdar would visit Dah, arriving with two horses and accompanied by the Shikardo, who enforced hunting restrictions. Villagers hosted these officials at the Goba’s residence, offering phukma (dry grass) for the horses and serving chang (local alcohol) and lavish food to the guests. During his stay, the Kazdar also resolved local disputes. These visits required the Brokpas to offer gifts, and doltoks were highly prized by the visiting officials. Years later, Chamba visited the family of a deceased Kazdar and recognized several doltoks he believed were forced gifts from his village.

Chamba holds deep respect for the 19th Ven. Bakula Rinpoche, whose efforts ultimately led to the abolition of these oppressive practices, freeing the people of Ladakh from the burdens of forced labor and excessive taxes.

Last of the Traders

Tashi Stanba

Tashi Stanba, a centenarian from Domkhar village in Ladakh, is one of the last surviving traders from an era when Ladakhi merchants ventured into Baltistan to sell tsa (salt), bal (wool), and pul (soda). While Tashi's father, Aba Chamba, bought salt at the annual salt markets in Chemrey and Sakti, his elder brother preferred traveling to the remote Changthang region to acquire wool. Among all the goods brought by the Ladakhi traders, salt was in particularly high demand in Baltistan. 

On his maiden trip to Khaplu in Baltistan, Stanba, along with his elder brother and four companions, set out with seven donkeys loaded with Tsa, Bal, and Pul. They traveled via the Achinathang-Hanu Phu-Chorbat La route, passing through an area where the Turtuk Chu (Shyok River) meets another river before reaching Khaplu. The journey from Domkhar to Khaplu took seven days. Along the way, they stopped at a Sandog, which had a large goat population. There, they purchased a goat, which they later feasted on upon reaching Khaplu.

Upon reaching Khaplu, they set up a base at a Brangsa near the town, where the Baltis greeted them with food. In return, the Ladakhi traders offered salt as gift. Tashi recalled an interesting tradition in Baltistan: when the Baltis received salt from Ladakh, they would swallow a handful in one go. In his case, the locals consumed an entire cupful of salt in one gulp. The demand for Ladakhi salt was high, and the Baltis often competed for a share of the limited supply. Each morning, the Ladakhi traders would rise early to finish their meal before the Baltis arrived, as their bustling presence stirred up dust and made cooking more difficult. 

During his stay in Khaplu, Tashi Stanba and his companions had the unique opportunity to witness a polo match featuring the local chieftain, known as the Cho, who they were told was a descendant of Buddhist ancestors. They learned that the Khar (fort) in Khaplu housed copies of the Kangyur and Tangyur, sacred Buddhist texts that served as a reminder of their heritage. After the match, when the Ladakhi traders were trying to find their way back to the Brangsa, the Cho came to their aid and guided them home. Stanba and the other traders spent about ten days in Khaplu, returning with Phating (dried apricots), dried mulberries and  Mar (butter). Although Tashi Stanba cannot recall the exact year or his age at the time of his visit to Khaplu, he distinctly remembers that it occurred during the Dogra rule.

Balti traders frequently visited Domkhar, Sham, and other parts of Ladakh. According to Tashi Stanba, over 100 Baltis would pass through Domkhar each year, traveling to various parts of Ladakh to sell butter and Doltok (stone utensils) of different sizes. These goods were carried on wooden frames called Kis-Kis, which were strapped to their backs. When the Baltis grew tired, they would remain standing but rest by placing a stick under the Kis-Kis to relieve the load. Some Balti traders could carry up to 50 Battis (each Batti weighing about 2 kg) of butter at once, selling them for Rs 2.5 per Batti in Domkhar. The Baltis exchanged Doltoks for barley, using a unique method: they filled each selected Doltok to the brim to determine the quantity of barley for the final exchange.

In his youth, Tashi Stanba operated a small shop in Domkhar, selling essentials like matchboxes, Pakphey (wheat flour), and Marnak (mustard oil). To stock his shop, he frequently traveled to Kashmir, visiting places like Batamaloo where he purchased Marnak for Rs 5 per tin. On one occasion, when they were stuck in Kashmir due to the closure of traffic to Ladakh,Stanba and his companions sought help from Sonam Nurbo Sahib, who was then a minister in the Jammu and Kashmir government. Thanks to his intervention, they were escorted to Kargil, and from there, a police vehicle took them till Khalatse.

Tashi Stanba attributes much of Ladakh's development to the 19th Ven. Bakula Rinpoche and Sonam Nurbo Sahib. He believes that through the efforts of Bakula Rinpoche and Nurbo Sahib, Ladakh saw significant progress, including the arrival of airplanes. He remembered seeing an airplane for the first time and offering Chak (a salutation) to express his gratitude to both Ven. Bakula Rinpoche and Nurbo Sahib.

The above interview was conducted in 2021.

Nurla village: The Radio and the Mail Runners of Ladakh

Nawang Tundup

Nawang Tundup, 90 years old, of Serchongpa family in village Nurla, in Leh, Ladakh, India, measures his land by sunsets. It takes him three sunsets to finish working on his vast fields. When he was young, prices were significantly different: Chuli was Rs 1 per Pao (250 grams), and Phating was Rs 3 per Pao. In his youth, Nawang Tundup would visit Sakti with his donkeys, staying there for 2-3 days until the Changpas (nomadic herders) arrived. He bartered Nas (barley) for salt, then returned to Nurla before heading to Kargil, where he would again trade his surplus salt for Nas, earning a profit. Once back in Nurla, he would grind the barley into Phey (a type of flour), which he then sold again for a profit. 

At the age of 25, Nawang Tundup made a trip to Kashmir, taking Rs 200 with him to buy rice. His companions on the journey were a member of the Tongspon family, Tashi from the Kyatpa family, and Skarma from the Gongmey family. He returned with Rs 100 still unspent—a significant amount in those days, when Rs 100 could meet most of one’s needs. “One hundred rupees back then was worth more than a thousand now,” he remarked. He traveled with one horse and five donkeys (Horbung), which he had purchased from the Hors. From Kashmir, the horse carried 50 Battis (1 Batti equals about 2 kg) of rice, while the stronger donkeys carried 30 Battis, and the weaker ones carried 25 Battis each. The journey to Kashmir took 15 days each way, and they stayed in Kashmir for several days. During this trip, Nawang Tundup and his team met the famous Ladakhi engineer Shri Sonam Nurbo, who was taking measurements for the new road from Srinagar to Leh. He later met him once again when he was inspecting the road from Wanla to Hanupatta.

Master Sonam Dorjey

Master Sonam Dorjey, 98 yrs, is a retired headmaster and respected scholar of mid-20th century Ladakh. Over his career, he taught in remote areas across Ladakh, including Nubra and Changthang. His most memorable experience was in 1954 when he traveled to Mount Kailash and Lake Manasarovar with the 19th Venerable Bakula Rinpoche. The pilgrimage team consisted of four lamas, the Goba from Spituk village, Nyemo Acho Phunsok, Tsetan Tundup from Gongbey Tongspon, Leh, Khambey Ajang Tsering Sonam, and 10-11 other attendees. Master Dorjey recalls an incident during this pilgrimage where the person in charge of planning the route made a mistake, leading the group from Demchok, Tashigang to Rudok and then to Manasarovar, and back through Changla. According to Master Dorjey, the journey should have followed the Buddhist practice of Skora (circumambulation), taking them from Changla, Tangtse, Chushul, and Rudok, with the return via Tashigang and Demchok.

After leaving Tashigang, the next major stop was at Minsar, which is Indian territory ( for more on Minsar, pl refer to the terms of the Treaty of Timosgang, of 1684), and the residents there paid revenue taxes to the Indian government. By this time, the people of Minsar were aware of the looming Chinese threat and shared their concerns with the group. The team stayed in Minsar for a night. The next stop was at Tetapuri Gompa, where the Komyer (incharge Lama) hailed from Hemis Monastery in Ladakh. They then moved on to Tokponoo and Chosku Gompa, where they stayed for two days, followed by a two-day stop at Deraphuk Gompa. After crossing the Dolma La Pass, they reached a place called Zumthulphuk.

Four days later, they arrived at a village called Tarchen, at the base of Kang Rinpoche (Mount Kailash), where many families lived in Rebos (tent-like structures) and small flat-roofed houses. The team stayed in Tarchen for 2-3 days before climbing to Diyung Gompa, a small, pristine monastery with only four lamas. After this, they reached a place called Gyantak and ventured no further. Master Dorjey fondly remembers seeing many Chortens (Buddhist stupas) at the base of Kang Rinpoche. The entire journey took about three and a half months before they returned to Leh.

In the past, Sham was known for its resilient traders who ventured to distant places in Tibet. Many from Sham would even participate in the famed Lopchak Trade Mission to Lhasa, Tibet ( for more on Lopchak,  pl refer to the Treaty of Timosgang,1684). Master Dorjey never witnessed the Lopchak Mission firsthand, but he frequently heard about the departure of the mission through Phunsog Namgyal of the Thangpa family from Nurla, who would accompany the Leh Kalon on the Lopchak every three years. The villagers of Nurla would hold a send-off ceremony, Kalchor, for Phunsog Namgyal before his departure. Other than Lopchak, the Shamma traders would go all across the Indus Valley, Nubra, Changthang, and Tibet. The furthest the Ladakhi traders traveled was to Gerste, where they encountered a Gerste Spon, who was in charge of all affairs in the area. Shamma traders from Ladakh carried goods such as Phey, Skampey, Phating, Stho Phating, and Nas. In return, they brought back Tsoskhul, Lena, Bal, Legu, Khulu, Sukdan, Sukthul, Mar, and Luk from Tibet.

According to Master Sonam Dorjey, during his youth, Meme Sonam Tundup of the Tsaskan family in Nurla was the leading trader not only in Nurla but perhaps in the whole of Sham. Master Dorjey also noted that Aba Phunsog had traveled as far as Lahore for business. He described Tundup as a generous and semba lakmo (clean-hearted) individual who frequently helped others in need. Tundup often advised people not to take large loans from him, although he always provided whatever they asked for. He sent his three sons to different regions of Changthang to trade and helped many families in and around Nurla become wealthy.

Besides the annual visits to the remote regions of Ladakh and Tibet, the Sham people also traded with outsiders passing through Sham. Sonam Dorjey recalled the Hor traders, who passed through Sham on their transit to Haj. These visits created business opportunities, particularly for those living along the highway (Paldapa), compared to those who lived nearer the mountains (Lungbatpa). In fact, many people residing along the roadside in Nurla and Sham learned some of the Hor language, which helped them trade with the Hors. One Abhi from the Staskan family was particularly known for her fluency in the language. Other traders passing by Nurla included Kashmiris and Baltis, though the Karjapas, who traveled to Leh from the southeastern roads, did not reach Sham.

Master Sonam recalls a unique mail-runner system that was in popular practice during the first half of the 20th century in Ladakh. It was through his uncle, Tsering Chhospel from Pharketang, who was a well-known mail runner, that Sonam learned the details of this unique system. Introduced by the Dogra officials to ensure mail reached its destination promptly, the system involved a series of runners covering the entire route from Leh to Srinagar and Skardu. The chain continued day and night, ensuring that a letter or parcel reached its destination without delay. Two mail runners covered each four-mile segment, passing the mail like a relay. Letters from Leh could reach Nurla the same day. Heavy parcels were kept separate and delivered later. In May 2024, Angchuk Fargo, the nephew of Master Sonam Dawa and the grandson of Tsering Chhospel, showed me the remains of two remote sites that were the remnants of old Dak Ghars used for storing Dak (mail)) during the days of the mail-runners.

 Ka Angchuk Fargo 

It was his mail-runner uncle who first told Master Sonam about a new technology called the radio. According to Master Sonam, a Christian Padri (priest) who came to live in Khalatse had brought the first radio to the region. His mail-runner uncle, Tsering Chhospel, would stop in Khalatse every Saturday after handing over his mail load to the next runner. The uncle, fascinated by the Padri’s English, began learning the language from him. It was during this time that his uncle saw the radio for the first time and returned to the village to tell people about the Padri's "talking box" with wires. He also recounted seeing the Padri cry while listening to the strange device. Much later, Master Sonam learned that the Padri had been receiving news about World War II on his radio and was saddened by the Allies’ defeats at the hands of Japanese soldiers. For a long time, no one in the village believed his uncle’s description of the “talking box.” Master Sonam also witnessed a gramophone for the first time when the Gyalpo Sonam Tundup Namgyal of Zangla in Zanskar visited Nurla on his way to Leh. Villagers gathered under a walnut tree to listen to the Gyalpo play music on the gramophone. Master Sonam also recalled how, during this period, when Europeans visited Ladakh, his mail-runner uncle, a keen learner of English, would quiz Master Sonam on the origins of these visitors, distinguishing the British (the "real Angrezpa"), Spainpa, Germanpa, and Italipa. 

Master Sonam remembered the  dreaded tradition of Res (forced labor), which required villagers along the road to transport goods for officials traveling to and from Leh for free on their  back. Foreigners, especially under orders from the British Joint Commissioner, would pay for the labor, but local Ladakhi officials, including Chaprasis, and Kashmiri officials, such as the Wazir, never paid for the labor. Many villagers purchased horses to avoid being forced to carry loads on their backs. Some even took loans to buy horses, hoping to escape the grueling Res labor. The Wazir’s wife and dog would often be transported in a Palki (palanquin), carried by a team of 15-16 people who took turns after short distances.

Master Sonam recalls a story as told to him by his grandfather, once a group of foreigners pitched three tents on Master Sonam’s land.  There was a dispute about the final payment to be made. One day, the British commissioner happened to be passing by Nurla. Master Sonam's grandfather seized the opportunity to visit the commissioner at the bungalow and complained to the British Joint Commissioner. The official listened patiently and ordered that the remaining money be paid. The order was typed using a small box, which villagers later learned was called a typewriter.

During a certain year, news spread of the impending bursting of a lake in Depsang, Nubra, leading to an influx of foreigners to the region who were part of the team assigned to solve the issue. The English recruited strong men from Nurla and nearby villages like Timosgang, including Tsaskan Meme Tundup's younger brother and Master Sonam’s mail-runner uncle, who was selected because he understood English. In Nurla, the Kutti (a small house) and a bungalow, once used for officials, have since been converted into a hospital and a school. According to Master Sonam, although times have changed, nothing has gone to waste. 

The above interviews were conducted in 2021.