At Rongo, Rupsho, with Aba Chamchot Tashi le, 79, and Ama Urgain Dolma le.

 

According to Aba Tashi, in earlier times, Pashmina did not hold the high value it commands today. Any small amount of Pashmina available was traditionally offered to the monasteries. A monk, known as a Leesee, would visit Rongo in the fourth or fifth month, specifically tasked with counting the Pashmina goats. An equivalent number of rounded Pashmina balls would then be offered to him. It was much later that Pashmina began to gain its current worth. The annual visit of the Leesee monk to Rongo, and this tradition, ceased approximately 30 years ago.

Historically, villages in the vicinity shared a deeply symbiotic relationship with the Hemis monastery. Pasturelands in the region were specifically designated and named according to the animals reared for the monasteries in the region:

• Raque: for the monastery's goats.

• Maque: for rearing female sheep.

• Deque: for Demo (a type of cow-yak hybrid) and Yak.

• Kharluk: for Khalba (male sheep).

• Barzee: located just beyond the Hanle monastery, for cows.

• Chips se Goba was the term for the person or place responsible for caring for the horses.

When Tashi was around 14, his uncle would embark on salt-sourcing journeys to Mindun Tsaka, located beyond Demchok. They would travel with sheep, not horses, taking the well-trodden road from Dumtsele. These expeditions typically occurred in the eighth or ninth month of the year. After acquiring the salt, they would rest for about two weeks before heading to villages near Leh, such as Leh itself, Martho, and Stok, to trade the salt for barley.

The same villagers also made annual trips to Himachal Pradesh, this time to sell wool in exchange for rice. Tashi distinctly remembers one such journey in 1962 when he accompanied his uncle. Their route took them towards Chumur, a day's journey, then to Tega Zong, and finally across the snow-covered Parangla Pass. They would cross Parangla in the middle of the night to avoid avalanches.

The journey from Chumur to Spiti took five days, passing through Sergatha, Takchuthang, Tarakurkur, and Lakartsey. In Spiti, they traded their sheared wool for a different variety of barley, which Tashi called Sua. Rice was sourced from areas further beyond Spiti within Himachal Pradesh. For these arduous trips, they exclusively used male sheep, known as Khalba, numbering about 30. Four men would accompany them, opting for Khalba over goats due to their wool-bearing capacity and superior sturdiness for carrying loads over long distances.

Lato, Rupsho.

 

Aba Sonam Angdu, 77, and his wife Tsering Langzey, 80, reside in Loma, a hamlet renowned for its bridge over the Indus, which tourists cross en route to Hanle. Sonam Angdu spent most of his youth working as a Lukzee- a person primarily responsible for tending to the sheep and goats. He recalls that around the age of 16, he would frequently travel to Leh with his father to trade sheep wool. They would load approximately 200 male sheep (Khalba) and male goats (Rabo) with empty saddlebags, known as lugals. These expeditions involved three to four men, with one Lukzee  Upon reaching villages like Sakti, Chemrey, and Martselang, his father would begin selling wool, sheared on-site, in exchange for barley and wheat, which would then fill the empty lugals.

He remembers his father undertaking long journeys towards the east of Demchok to source salt for resale in Ladakh. After access to these sources was lost due to geopolitical reasons, around 1959, his father and other people in the region began crossing the Polokongka La to source salt from Tsokar Lake in the Samad Rakchan region, towards Kharnak. He recalls that villagers from the Samad Rakchan settlements around the lake had stationed guards to prevent unauthorized salt collection.

Sonam Angdu visited Spiti in Himachal Pradesh three times. While other informants in nearby Rupshu villages stated that the journey from Chumur to Spiti took four or five days, Sonam Angdu's return journey took approximately two months, likely due to his role as a lukzee rather than a trader. After traveling for a few days towards Chumur, the last settlement before reaching Spiti, the shepherds would often rest there for several days to allow the sheep to recuperate, a practice known as Changma in the local language. 

He remembers traveling to Spiti during winters with the sheep. During these times, he often preferred to travel at night, especially when crossing glaciers, as these glaciers were prone to avalanches. The risk of avalanches was reduced at night when the ice held better due to the cold. He remembers how a member of the team would travel in front of the animals to find the route through the snow and the mountains, and the hundreds of sheep and goats would follow in a single line. After crossing the Parangla and reaching Spiti, he remembers witnessing a local market where wool, wheat, and rice were exchanged. This market was frequented by traders from Karja and nearby villages. 

He worked like this until the age of 25. Later, when he wanted to join the Indian Army, his father did not let him do so as he wanted him to stay close to them.Life was tough, and despite the trade, villagers faced problems. During these times, they would seek assistance from the Hemis Chakzot, who would loan them grains that were repaid the following year in the form of wool, Pashmina, or livestock.

At Chumur with Ama Tsetan Angmole, 82-year-old.

For centuries, the people of Rupsho, including those from Chumur, Hanle, Korzok, Loma, Rongo and other villages have embraced a nomadic pastoralist lifestyle. Interestingly, despite its geographical distance from Korzok, Chumur shares a unique administrative bond, falling under the purview of Korzok's single headman, known as the Goba in Ladakhi.

I met Ama Tsetan when she was camped with her goats and sheep in Tarla, a spot on the way to Chumur. She and other villagers from Chumur had been there for four months and were soon heading back home with their herds, timing their return to match that of Korzok residents who had been camped nearby.

Ama Tsetan vividly recalled that before 1959, her father and other men from Chumur would journey to regions beyond Demchok to source salt for trading. Life was undeniably tough, marked by severe food scarcity. This hardship necessitated two annual trips to the salt lakes, one in summer and another in autumn.

According to Ama Tsetan and other sources, once back the men quickly venture into either Zanskar or Spiti in Himachal Pradesh to trade this salt along with wool.

The men from Rupsho had established specific routes for their trading expeditions:

To Zanskar: They would cross the Polokonga Pass, connect with the present-day Leh-Manali route, and enter Zanskar near the Lingti River. From there, they'd disperse into the Lungnak and Stod regions of Zanskar to trade their salt and wool for barley.

To Spiti: This route took them through the Parangla Pass, a journey of four to five days from Chumur.

Their visits to Spiti served different purposes depending on the season:

Summer visits coincided with the sheep and goat shearing season. During these trips, they primarily sold wool and a limited amount of salt, with the animals often shorn right there in Spiti.

Autumn visits were dedicated to trading salt, and importantly, to selling sheep for meat.

Ama Tsetan shared that barley was the typical item received in barter for their goods. This was crucial for survival, as the extreme cold in Chumur made crop cultivation incredibly challenging.

The Salt Market of Nubra: Recollections of Aba Sonam Wangchuk of Tangyar.

Aba Sonam Wangchuk, a 76-year-old elder from Tangyar village, belonging to the Tokpopa family, recalls a vital yet now largely forgotten chapter in Ladakh’s trade history.  Till about 40 years ago Tangyar served as a key epicentre for the salt and wool trade supplying the entire Nubra region.

According to Aba Wangchuk, Changpa traders from the highlands south of Rudok would visit Tangyar twice annually. Their first visit, during the fifth month of the Ladakhi lunar calendar, was known as Yartsong, the summer market. The second, more significant visit occurred during the autumn months of September-October, and was known as Stontsong.

The autumn trade was primarily focused on salt, butter, and dried meat, all carried in twin panniers slung across sheep. The Changpa caravans would travel via Durbuk and Reli Chiling, crossing the high Neebula Pass to reach Tangyar. Upon arrival, they were allowed to camp only on the agricultural land owned by the Spituk Labrang. This was a long-standing custom that served dual purposes: it regulated the flow of outside traders, and the presence of large flocks of sheep helped naturally fertilise the monastery's fields. The Labrang, which once housed 3–4 monks, today lies in a dilapidated state.

Aba vividly remembers his friend Sonam Tundup, a trader who would arrive with up to 300 sheep, each laden with salt. The Changpa would pitch their black yak-hair tents on the Labrang land, and the seasonal trade would commence supplying much of Nubra with its annual requirement of salt and other essentials.

In contrast, the Yartsong market in summer focused mainly on the sale of wool, though smaller quantities of salt were also exchanged. Since the agricultural fields were under cultivation, the Changpa would camp in the nearby phu (high pasture). These pastures transformed into vibrant trading hubs during the season. The traders would shear their sheep on site, and sell the freshly shorn wool to villagers from Tangyar and traders from Nubra who made their way up to the phu.

Trade relationships during Yartsong were deeply personal and long-standing. Aba speaks fondly of his trading friends Karma and Sonam Tashi, with whom exchanges were often based on verbal agreements known as lochat or chatka, promises to deliver a fixed quantity of goods by a specified time the following year. These informal contracts were rarely broken, a testament to the ethical fabric of the barter system.

Wool formed a crucial source of income for many families in Tangyar. During the winter months, when wool fetched higher prices in the lower valleys, households would undertake journeys to Nubra. Salt, surplus from the Changpa trade  was often carried along as an additional commodity. Sonam Wangchuk himself recalls traveling to Yarma, passing through Agyam and Tirit on horseback, usually accompanied by two or three helpers. Trade in Nubra was conducted almost entirely on a barter basis, exchanging wool and salt for wheat, peas, and pulses.

At Rumbak: Aba Nawang Yontan.

At Rumbak, Aba Nawang Yontan le, an 87-year-old elder, recalled his earliest memories of salt—how, in his youth, the elders of his village journeyed to Changthang to procure it. In later years, he witnessed traders from Korzok bringing salt to the Leh market. At times, villagers from Rumbak also traveled to Sakti and Chemrey to purchase salt. Eventually, the government began distributing salt in the form of solid lumps.

Nawang named several elders who once made the arduous journey to Changthang. From Yurutse, there was Meymey Mutup. From Rumbak, the salt traders included Ajang Gyapo, Ajang Norphel, Aba Tsewang of the Chunpey family, and Aba Tundup Tashi. These men typically took along 10 to 12 donkeys, setting out in the fifth month of the local calendar and returning by the eighth—just in time for the harvest. They carried money, apricots, and barley flour to barter for salt and wool in Changthang.

When asked why they sourced wool from Changthang despite rearing sheep in Rumbak, Nawang explained that local wool, known as Lugubal, was shorter in fiber. It was used for the Spun (weft), whereas the longer-fibered wool from Changthang was preferred for the Gyu (warp), which required greater tensile strength.

He also spoke of the scarcity of wood and charcoal in Rumbak, which made these resources difficult to trade. Nonetheless, villagers would gather dry wood during winter and collect more in summer to sell for supplemental income. For larger quantities, they journeyed to the Markha Valley, crossing the Ganda La Pass. They would spend a night at Shingo before reaching the valley the next day. The collected wood, transported on yaks or horses, was then taken to Leh for sale.

Trade with Sham Valley was minimal; only a few traders ventured into Rumbak, and primarily during the summer. Before a motorable road reached the area, access to Leh depended on seasonal routes: Zinchen Rong was used in winter, while the Stok La Pass was preferred in summer, as Zinchen Rong became treacherous in the warmer months due to high river discharge.

Cultivating the Past: An Agriculturalist’s Life in Leh, Ladakh

Samstan Tsering

Samstan Tsering, 90, is a distinguished traditional agriculturalist from the renowned Shunu family, one of the largest landowners in Leh, Ladakh, India. A landlord by legacy, Samstan dedicated his life to managing vast ancestral lands and preserving traditions passed down through generations.

Agriculture was Samstan’s calling in life. He cultivated wheat, karez, and naksran on his family’s extensive lands in Skara, Leh, adhering to an annual crop rotation system—alternating wheat one year and naksran the next. Both karez and naksran are essential ingredients for making paba, a popular Ladakhi food. Perhaps influenced by microclimatic variations within this small region, barley was cultivated only in the Tukcha and Shenam areas of Leh. Farmers in Skara, where the Shunu family held their largest landholdings, focused on cultivating wheat, karez, and naksran. When barley was required, Samstan’s family sourced it from family friends in Taru or Phyang village, bartering it for naksran and transporting it in khal (approximately 50-kilogram) loads on donkeys.

Livestock ownership was central to life in Samstan’s youth, and until recently, he maintained a herd of hundreds of goats. Local Ladakhis around Skara often employed Changpa shepherds to graze their livestock in the lush pastures of Gangles and Gyamtsa near Leh for a fee. Grazing land was abundant then; the land where the Leh airport now stands was once a semi-fertile grazing ground teeming with animals. Samstan relied heavily on his own resources to meet household needs, including grain, meat, milk, butter, and wool. While most necessities were produced on his lands, he procured —a superior, long wool from Changpa traders—and blended it as Gyu with locally available wool to create fabrics for his clothing.

Salt was one of the few necessities Samstan purchased. In his youth, he often traveled to the bustling salt markets of Sakti and Chemrey during the ninth month of the Ladakhi calendar. With no motorable roads, Samstan selected the best two donkeys from his family’s herd for the journey. This tradition was followed even by the wealthiest families. Accompanied by Sonam Tashi from the Nyachu family and Meme Ishey from the Palden family of Skara, they bartered one khal of barley for two khals of salt from Changpa traders. The Changpas brought salt from the famed lakes of Mingdum Tsaka and Kyelste in Tibet, a practice which ended in the 1960s. While some Ladakhis purchased salt to sell in distant regions like Sham and Baltistan, Samstan and his companions procured only enough to meet their families’ annual needs.

One significant event Samstan witnessed before India’s independence in 1947 was the annual arrival of the Wazir of Ladakh from Skardu, the winter capital, to Leh, the summer capital. With much of his ancestral land near the Zunglam, Samstan frequently observed this event, a highlight of Leh’s social calendar. The Wazir traveled on horseback, while his wife followed in a palki (palanquin) carried by Ladakhi porters. The palki was handed over from one team of porters to another at various points along the journey, with the final team taking over at Nimo village from a group that had carried it from Basgo village. All this labor was unpaid, enforced under the Begar or Res system. The Wazir and his wife stayed at their residence near the Karzoo pond.

Another pivotal aspect of Samstan’s life was the annual visit of the Hor-Yarkandi traders to Ladakh. These caravans, led by traders riding horses, were a hallmark of Leh’s trading traditions. Camels and donkeys were primarily used to transport trading goods, though the group leaders occasionally preferred Horbung donkeys over horses. The Horbungs, prized for their smooth and comfortable ride, were meticulously cared for and occasionally sold to locals. Although once common in Leh, Horbungs have since disappeared.

The Shunu family provided the Hor traders with camping space at Ol Chenmo, their large tract of land in Skara, which served as a popular site for Yarkandi merchants. The caravans, comprising 50 to 60 traders, typically stayed for about two weeks, relying on local supplies such as ol (green fodder) and phukma (dry grass) provided by the Shunu family for their horses, camels, and donkeys. These supplies were often supplemented by neighboring families, including Meme Bula and the Jurchung family. Additionally, local women contributed by selling fodder in the Leh market during these visits, further supporting the traders’ needs.

The Hors traded goods such as phingpa, charok, kaleen, kangpis, and Yarkandi boras. Butter was a particularly sought-after item, instantly purchased by locals. However, one year, a rumor spread that the Yarkandi butter sold in Leh was made from horse milk, deterring buyers. That year, according to Samstan, the Hors used the excess butter in their Yarkandi pulao, a favorite dish in their cuisine. Additionally, the Hors brought small Yarkandi biscuits, distinct from the larger Kashmiri varieties, which they consumed with black tea on special occasions.

Samstan admired the toughness and resilience of the Hors, who endured harsh conditions with remarkable fortitude to reach Ladakh. Often, they sat in the open on Ol Chenmo, even during rare rainfall, seemingly unaffected by the elements. Tragically, Samstan heard that many perished on their arduous journeys to and from Yarkand, leaving skeletal remains along the trails.

Looking back on life in Leh during the 1940s and 1950s, Samstan recalls that before India’s independence in 1947, thirty-two Dogra soldiers were stationed at the Zorawar Fort in Leh. Local Ladakhis would often sell Pakphey (wheat flour) to these soldiers. He also remembers the Jinsi taxation system, which remained in place even after 1947. Under this system, villagers were required to give a portion of their crop yield to the government twice a year. The tax was collected by a government official, referred to as Meme Kutidar by the locals, at the government Kuti, located in the present day  Nausehar in Leh. The government also imposed a firewood collection system, where wealthier Ladakhis had to supply firewood for government employees during the winter months without any compensation. 

In the summer, Kashmiri traders would visit Leh to purchase Pashmina wool. Local traders, who had bought and stockpiled this wool from the Changpa nomads, facilitated these transactions. Among them, an elderly gentleman from the Bijal family, popularly known as Bijal-e-Baba, stood out as the most popular local trader in the Pashmina trade

Samstan fondly recalls a cohesive community where cooperation, rather than competition, was the foundation of daily life. Villagers actively participated in bunglut, often taking offense if their assistance was not sought. They willingly volunteered their cattle for fieldwork during sowing and harvest seasons. Despite the simplicity of those times, no one went hungry, as the community thrived on staples like thukpa and paba. The wholesome diet, combined with an active lifestyle, contributed to the overall health and resilience of the people. Remarkably, Samstan himself has maintained robust health throughout his life and has never fallen ill.

The Darses, Skara's vibrant three-day village archery celebrations, were once the most eagerly anticipated event of the year, a stark contrast to present times. The festivities began with benzang, a practice session where men refined their aim, followed by the grand main event, Darses Chenmo, and concluded with nyerey, the final day of winding down. Men and women adorned themselves in their finest attire, creating a colorful and inclusive celebration that brought the entire community together.

A few years ago, Samstan climbed Tsemo peak in Leh and was struck by the town’s transformation. What was once a green expanse stretching from Gangles to Mangla Bagh, filled with fertile fields, has now become a dense cluster of rooftops. Only the villages of Stok and Matho retain their greenery, while Leh seems to have turned into a Thang.

Among the Tibetan refugees of Ladakh

Nawang Tashi

Nawang Tashi, 88, a Tibetan refugee in Ladakh, India, hails from the Rawang region of Tibet, renowned for producing the finest Lena (Pashmina) in the entire Trans-Himalayan region. During his childhood Rawang consisted of small settlements, where most people lived in rebos (traditional nomadic tents). Only a few affluent families—no more than five—had permanent houses.

It has now been more than 60 years since Nawang arrived in India as a refugee, leaving behind his nomadic life in Rawang. Upon arrival, he initially settled in the Samay area near Tso Kar Lake in Changthang. Today, he lives with his relatives in Choglamsar village, Leh.

Before he was forced to become a refugee, Nawang, in his 20s, frequently visited Ladakh to trade salt from Tibet. Nawang Tashi vividly remembers his journeys to the famous Mindung Tsaka salt lakes, located three to four days’ travel north of Rawang. These lakes produced a rare mixture of red and white salt, known for its exceptional quality. Another key source of salt was Takthong Lungpa, about three days’ journey from Rawang, located towards Mansarovar Lake, a well-known reference point for distances and directions in ancient Tibet. Unlike Mindung Tsaka, which consisted of salt lakes, Takthong Lungpa had rocky cliffs from which salt was mined. However, the salt extracted from Takthong Lungpa was considered inferior to the premium quality salt from Mindung Tsaka. Once the salt from Mindung Tsaka was extracted and dried, Nawang and his community would load it onto around 500 sheep and embark on a month-long journey to Ladakh, heading towards the famous Chemrey salt market. At the market, the exchange rate was two measures of wheat for one measure of salt. Over the years, Nawang made three such trips to Ladakh to take part in this lively and bustling trade.

During his time in Tibet, Nawang owned nearly 1,000 sheep and goats, most of which were Changra goats, prized for their luxurious Pashmina wool. He fondly recalls annual visits by Muslim traders from Leh and Buddhist traders from the Sham region of Ladakh, who journeyed to Rawang to purchase yaks and Pashmina. According to Nawang, the superior quality of water, grass, and flowers in Rawang provided the Changra goats with exceptional nourishment, contributing significantly to their healthy growth and the luxurious quality of their Pashmina wool. The Pashmina hair would reach full growth during the fifth or sixth month of the Tibetan calendar, signaling the start of the combing season. For younger goats, the combing process typically took 4–5 days, while older goats required additional time to complete the process.

There was also a tradition of selecting about 4 to 5 male goats, known as Yangra or Phara, to mate with 100 female Changras. These male goats were chosen early in life based on their physical build and the quality of their hair growth, ensuring that only the best traits were passed on to future generations.

 Sonam Nurbu

Dondey Dolma

Sonam Nurbu, a 90-year-old from Tashigang, Tibet, and his 82-year-old wife, Dondey Dolma, moved to India in 1959, shortly after Losar, the Tibetan New Year. In Tibet, they led the life of Dokpas, dedicated to herding livestock across the region's expansive plains. While trading in India was never part of their routine, they often journeyed to the Tsokar area in Ladakh, India, during the summer months. The plentiful grasslands of Changthang  offered richer grazing opportunities compared to the pastures in Tibet.

Tsokar would come alive as a bustling marketplace, drawing traders from all directions. Sonam Nurbu and his fellow Tibetans arrived with their flocks—sheep, yaks, horses, and goats. They sold their sheep to Ladakhi traders, who paid in cash, and Sonam used his earnings to buy nye (barley) from other Ladakhis in the market. These exchanges ensured he had the resources to support his family through the seasons ahead.

Tsetup Dorjey

Tsetup Dorjey, an 87-year-old from Otsang near Rudok in Tibet, arrived in India as a refugee in 1960. He is among the few who journeyed to the renowned Kyeltse salt lake, Tibet’s main source of salt for Ladakh along with Mindung Tsaka lake until 1962. Although he never visited the distant Mindung Tsaka, he did make trips to another salt lake called Thayee, closer to Otsang. The trek from Otsang to the lake took 10-12 days on foot, leading sheep laden with lugals (saddle bags) across vast, desolate plains without any signs of human habitation. Continuing onward from Otsang to Ladakh was an even greater challenge—a month-long journey over rugged terrain and isolated landscapes.

Tsetup traveled with a small group of 3-5 companions, bringing along around 100 sheep, each carrying lugals packed with salt. In Ladakh, he journeyed to Chemrey and further to Nubra, stopping in villages such as Sumur and Diskit. The typical exchange rate was 3 kg of salt for 2 kg of barley. After completing his trade, Tsetup also sold sheep and wool, with sheep shearing often done in Tangyar or Sakti Phu. 

    Sonam Tenzin

Sonam Tenzin, now 82, originally from Nyari, Tibet, moved to India in 1959. In Tibet, he led a nomadic life, relocating up to four times a year. During the summer, he would settle in Chutti, near the Indian border, while winters took him to Lamey, Yung Suruk—closer to the famous Mindum Tsaka Lake. This proximity allowed him to visit the lake during the ideal season—winter, specifically the first month of the Tibetan calendar.

From Yung Suruk, a round trip to Mindum Tsaka took about 15-20 days. The lake was celebrated for its unique types of salt: red salt, known as nyemo, and white salt, called dayuu, found in different sections of the lake. After gathering salt, Sonam would return to Yung Suruk to store it, often embarking on a second journey to Mindum for an additional supply.

He later ventured through Tashigang, traveling as far as Spiti in Himachal Pradesh and areas near the Nepal-India border for trade. The trek from Tashigang to Spiti took around 20 days each way, where he spent several weeks trading salt for rice, gyamdey(white grain), and tema nakpo (black grain). Rice was especially costly, sometimes requiring up to 15 kg of salt for just 1 kg of rice. By journey’s end, he would return with around 150 lugals of grain, half of the 300 lugals of salt he initially carried. In Ladakh, Sonam Tenzin also visited Chemrey and Nubra, engaging in trade and building connections with the people there.

Reflecting on his extensive travels, Sonam Tenzin remarked, "I came from where the sun rises to trade to where the sun sets." 

Among the Changpa Nomads. At Spangchen, Kharnak, Ladakh

Dorjey Angchuk

The region of Kharnak, or Khar Nakpo (Black Fort), in Changthang, Ladakh, India, derives its name from an ancient fortress that remains in ruins, situated in the mountains to the north of Kharnak. While the term Kharnak is used more broadly to describe a large area to the south of Taglangla Pass and west of Tsokar Lake, the settlement of Dat serves as its de facto center. This is evident even in the road milestones, which designate Dat as Kharnak.

I met Dorjey Angchuk, while he and others from Kharnak were encamped at Spangchen/Pangchen on 23rd, August, 2024. Accordin to Dorjey following their traditional migratory plan through different grazing lands :

1. From Spangchen the group would relocate to Yagang by september 20th, where they remain for two months, from october to mid-november. 
2. After Yagang, they return to Dat to celebrate 'Losar', the Ladakhi new year, staying until the end of February before moving on to Samarche. As summer approaches, they return to Dat for a brief period of five to six days, during which they conduct the traditional 'Gyatsa' prayers. During their time in Dat, the nomads focus on prayers for favorable weather, the well-being of their livestock, and absolution for the sins (Dikpa) associated with the slaughter of animals for food. 
3. The nomads spend 45 days at Samarche before heading back to Dat, where they remain until the first week of July.
4. Before concluding their stay in Dat, the nomads descend to Yagang for two days to store essential supplies for the rest of their journey. Situated conveniently close to their subsequent campsites, Yagang serves as a key storage location, allowing the Changpa nomads to replenish their stock as they move from one camp to another. The recent installation of a Jio mobile tower in Yagang has further enhanced its significance.
5. After stocking up in Yagang, the nomads head to Zara, located at the foot of the Taglangla pass, where they stay for 20 to 45 days—until "Nyima Logshik Tshukpa," as they say. 
6. From Zara, the nomads return to Spangchen/Pangchen, repeating their annual migratory cycle. 

It is noteworthy that during this journey, not all livestock accompany the nomads. The younger animals and those providing milk remain with them, while the rest, including the valuable Changra goats (Pashmina goats), are often sent along a different route with a hired shepherd known as a Lukzee.

Over time, there have been notable changes in the relationship between the Changpa nomads and their livestock. In the 1970s, only the wealthiest nomads owned as many as 400 animals. The ratio of humans to animals was also high, as large families were common due to the practice of polyandry. In the past, sheep were preferred over goats due to the ease of processing their wool and the superior taste of their meat. However, the rise in demand for Pashmina has shifted this preference. Today, while family sizes have shrunk, the average number of livestock per household has increased to more than a thousand.

Many nomads in Kharnak now employ shepherds, known as Lukzees, primarily from among Tibetan refugees and nomads from the Korzok and Rupshu areas, who receive an average payment of ₹25,000 per month. During the winter, some nomads also hire a Yakzee, responsible for tending their yaks, for a sum of ₹30,000 per month, along with essential food supplies. This trend is not unique to Kharnak; similar practices were witnessed by the author in areas west of Lamayuru in Leh district, as well as in parts of Kargil, Dras, and Zanskar. In Kargil and Dras, Bakarwal shepherds from Kashmir are hired for about ₹18,000 per month, while in Zanskar, locals employ both Bakarwals and Nepali shepherds.

The economic shift towards Pashmina production has also led to changes in agricultural practices. In the past, barley was cultivated in Dat, one of the few areas in Kharnak suitable for agriculture. However, with the growing demand for Pashmina, nomads now find it more lucrative to invest their time and resources in the wool trade rather than farming. This transition reflects a broader trend where traditional agricultural activities are being supplanted by more profitable ventures, reshaping the livelihoods of the nomadic communities.

 Spangchen Camp

Lukzees returning with the goats and sheep in the evening

Pashmina, the gold of Ladakh.

Chospel, originally from Zangla village in Zanskar, now resides with his wives' family, who are nomads from Kharnak

The process of combing Changra goats for Pashmina wool takes place in the summer, typically around May. Male goats are called Rabo and female goats Rama, while male sheep are referred to as Khalba and female sheep as Mamo. A common term, Ra-luk, is used collectively for both goats and sheep. The young goats are called Regu and young sheep Lugu, or Sidpu and Lagbu, respectively.

A male Changra goat (Rabo), which is larger than a female (Rama), can produce up to 750 grams of wool annually, while a female produces between 250 and 500 grams. Even young goats (Sidpu) yield around 250 grams of Pashmina, with some producing as much as 500 grams in rare cases.

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Combing the goats for Pashmina is a meticulous and time-consuming task, often taking nearly a month to complete. On average, only 5 to 6 goats are combed each day, and it can take 3 to 4 sessions to fully comb one goat. If a goat is unwell, the process may take up to two months, as the wool in a sick animal tends to cling to the animal’s body. Multiple sessions ensure that the warm insulating wool is gradually removed, providing protection against unpredictable weather. If combing is delayed, the goats risk becoming infested with lice due to the warmth of the Pashmina fiber.

The nomads begin combing by examining the growth of wool near the goat’s ears and limbs, lightly plucking the wool in a method called Kokches. They ask, Kok-duga? ("Can the hair be plucked?") to assess whether the wool is ready to be removed. The full combing process, known as Shadches, follows. In cases where the wool is too long, the nomads use scissors to trim it before continuing with the combing.

For breeding, the Changpas keep two male goats (Rabo) for every 100 females (Rama). These breeding males, known as Yangra or Phara, are selected as early as three months of age and are not combed for Pashmina. Historically, non-breeding Rabos and male sheep (Khalbas) were used to carry salt from the salt lakes of Changthang and Tibet, and barley on return trips from Zanskar. However, Yangras, the female sheep (Mamos) and female goats (Ramas) stayed behind. A Yangra remains fertile for about 7 to 8 years.

As the combing of Changra goats nears completion, the process of shearing sheep wool begins. Scissors are used to shear the wool from the sheep, and within two months, a fresh layer of wool grows that is used to produce Phingpa, a type of felted fabric.

The creation of Phingpa involves a traditional felting process in which the wool is beaten, mixed with water, and mashed before being spread onto a Chaali (a carpet or mat). The wool is then rolled with a stick to form a paste, which is removed from the Chaali and further rolled to increase its strength. This process is reminiscent of recycled paper production. The resulting fabric, Phingpa, is durable and was traditionally used by the nomads to make shoes, caps, Yogor (a women’s garment), and to reinforce the edges of Lugals (woolen bags used to carry goods). These bags were made from Khulu, a fine wool taken from the neck of yaks.

During the salt trade era, Phingpa was essential for the nomads during their long-distance journeys across the rugged plateaus, narrow ridges, and treacherous mountain passes of Tibet and Zanskar. The Lugals, which carried salt and barley, often rubbed against sharp rocks, causing wear and tear that could result in the loss of their contents. To protect the goods, the nomads reinforced the edges of the Lugals with sturdy patches of Phingpa, preserving the integrity of their cargo.

In modern times, however, the production of Phingpa has declined. The process is time-consuming and labor-intensive, and the nomads' winter months are already filled with other activities. Despite the decline in Phingpa production, the Changpa nomads remain industrious throughout the year. Men typically roll wool onto sticks (Yoktod), while women create items like Pabu (traditional shoes) and weave various types of rugs and carpets, such as Tsugden, Tsugdul, and Pherri.

Inside a Rebo

One of the most significant aspects of the Changpa nomadic lifestyle is the construction of the Rebo, the traditional tent that symbolizes their identity. The Rebo is made from Sidpa, a coarse hair taken from the yak’s limbs and stomach, in contrast to the softer Khulu, which comes from the yak’s neck. Sidpa is highly valued, and nomads take great care in preserving it to weave new tents or repair old ones. The Rebo can be divided into two sections, allowing for easy mobility as the nomads move from one pasture to another.

The design of the Rebo is both practical and functional. The top has an opening that can be closed during rain or snow, but otherwise remains open to allow smoke to escape from the Gidpu, the traditional stone fireplace inside the tent. The Gidpu is constructed from local stones at each new campsite, as it is not carried during migrations. The Gidpu ( Nowadays replaced by iron stoves) serves as the central place for cooking, as well as for preparing Yos (roasted barley) and Chang (a traditional drink). Though modern synthetic custom made Rebos have started replacing the traditional woolen ones, the Changpa nomads continue to rely on this traditional shelter to survive and maintain their cultural identity in the harsh conditions of their environment.