Skurbuchan Village : Sacred Geography and its people

Dorjey Sonam

Dorjey Sonam, 85, of the Kunga Stampelpa family in Skurbuchan village, Ladakh, India, recalls making numerous trips to the salt markets in Chemrey and Sakti villages during his youth. He carried nas (barley) and chuli (dried apricots) from Sham to trade for salt brought by Tibetan traders, whom he remembers coming from the Gerge region of Tibet. This was before the 1962 war with China. The journey was long and arduous, taking seven days on donkeys to reach Sakti from Skurbuchan—five days to Leh and an additional two days from Leh to Sakti. Dorjey vividly recalls the bustling salt markets filled with Tibetan traders and the fields of Sakti and Chemrey alive with thousands of raluk (goats and sheep) grazing across the landscape.

The market was held twice a year: once during spring, known as Spid Tsongs, and again in autumn-Ston Tsongs. The exchange rate at the market fluctuated, with the Tibetans often demanding two to three times the amount of nas in exchange for a given quantity of salt. The Tibetans measured salt using a container called a batti (equivalent to two kilograms), but Dorjey and other traders from Skurbuchan brought their own nyaga (a single-pan traditional balance) along with weights measuring one pao (250 grams), two pao, one kilogram, and eight pao. They typically spent two days at the market, purchasing salt from the Tibetans. While Dorjey only bought salt for personal use, some elders from his village ventured on longer journeys to Baltistan after returning to Skurbuchan. In Baltistan, they traded salt for apricots and butter. The Baltis, in turn, visited Skurbuchan and set up camp at a site in the village called Miyaskor. They brought stone utensils, known as doltoks, which they sold in Skurbuchan and neighbouring villages. These doltoks were transported on wooden frames called Kis-Kis. 

Besides the Sakti-Chemrey salt market, Dorjey Sonam also traveled on foot as far as Lamayuru village and Sonamarg. While his visits to Sonamarg in Kashmir were to buy his annual supply of goods, he visited Lamayuru to pay the heavy government tax in the form of nas. In Sonamarg, he would buy das (rice), toe (wheat), and peas. He recalls that, in those days, Rs 1 could buy 12 kg of peas, 7 kg of wheat, and Rs 2 would buy 1 kg of rice. Dorjey vividly remembers the extremely high government tax and describes those times as very difficult for the people of Ladakh. He would carry up to 35 kg of nas all the way to Lamayuru to pay his dues. A government official collected the barley at a government kutti, and often these interactions were bitter, as local officials frequently rejected the quality of the barley on trivial pretexts. Dorjey Sonam remembers the past life in Ladakh as both challenging and simple. Sadly, all of Dorjey’s companions who once traveled with him to the Sakti-Chemrey salt markets have since passed away.

Tsering Nurbu

Tsering Nurbu, 84, of the Tangkarpa family in Skurbuchan, endured many hardships during his early years. As a young man he took up any work he could find. He remembers that he would receive three Khal (one Khal is approximately 50-kilogram) of nas, for a whole year's work at a family’s household. He once accompanied traders from Skurbuchan on a journey to the Sakti salt market, where he helped care for their donkeys. On the return trip from Sakti, the traders stopped near Skampari, close to Leh, for rest and recreation. While the traders enjoyed well-deserved sessions of chang (local wine), Tsering was left in charge of the salt-laden donkeys. To make matters worse, the intoxicated traders began quarrelling with him, falsely accusing him of having swapped their donkeys.

In his mid 20s, after working as a helper for several years, Tsering received advice from his father to leave his job and start a business to improve his circumstances. With Rs. 60 that Tsering had saved and an additional Rs. 30 contributed by his father, they decided to travel to Srinagar to purchase goods for trade. One of their main concerns during the journey was their inability to count numbers in Hindi and Urdu, which they feared would create difficulties in transactions. In those days, the journey to Srinagar was made entirely on foot. Without donkeys to assist them, the father and son opted to carry the return load on their backs. To prepare for the demanding task, Tsering’s father decided to train the young and inexperienced Tsering in the use of a Kis-Kis—a traditional load-carrying wooden frame commonly used by long-distance travelers in Ladakh. 

The Kis-Kis, worn on the back, was specifically designed to transport heavy loads over long distances. It was used alongside a long stick, which served as both a walking aid and a load-supporting tool. When the carrier grew tired, the stick was skillfully positioned under the load, allowing the person to rest while standing upright, with the stick bearing the weight. After a few days of training, they started their journey to Kashmir. On the way, there was always the fear of being waylaid by robbers known as Chakpas. To stay safe, Tsering and his father would take precautions by finishing all cooking activities, especially the mandatory Ladakhi chai, before sunset. Immediately after, they would find a good place to hide—either above or below the road, but never on the roadside. There, they would sleep in silence until sunrise, when they would resume their journey.

During their first visit to Srinagar, Tsering and his father came across a shop offering teacups at an incredible discount: Rs. 1 for a set of 70 cups. Seizing the opportunity, Tsering purchased two sets for Rs. 2. Along with the teacups, they also bought daily-use items such as utensils, chai, matchboxes, and dye colors. The arduous journey to and from Srinagar on foot took 27 days. On the 28th day, Tsering went around Skurbuchan bartering his stock of items from Kashmir. He exchanged each teacup for one Aaloo pari (an empty tin can of potatoes) filled with barley, earning a handsome profit.

With the few cups remaining, he traveled to Khalste and sold them all. For the first time in his life, Tsering felt happy and confident, realizing the potential of his entrepreneurial skills. His success earned him increased attention and respect from the community. Tsering’s father, seeing the rewards of this venture, remarked that had Tsering continued as a helper—a Kharpon or Rarzee—their circumstances would never have improved. He encouraged Tsering to keep visiting Kashmir. Over the years, Tsering undertook seven more trips to Kashmir, steadily growing his fortunes with each journey.

Tsering continued his business ventures and once carried two sacks of rice, each weighing 23 kilograms, on his back across the Zojila Pass in his Kis-Kis. He hoped the rice would help his mother overcome a long-standing challenge she had faced throughout her life. At the time, Tsering’s mother sourced the family’s wool by cleaning raw wool that women from the village would leave at their home. For each batch of wool she cleaned, she kept half and returned the other half to the owner. Although this work was physically exhausting, it was essential for meeting the family's need for wool. That year, Tsering made a trip to the Sakti-Chemrey salt market, bringing with him the two sacks of rice he had bought in Kashmir. According to Tsering, this was few years before the 1962 war. At the market, the Tibetans also sold wool alongside salt, and Tsering managed to exchange nearly equal amounts of wool for the rice. This successful trade marked a significant turning point: Tsering’s mother was able to stop working for others and began processing her own wool.

Once, while in Kashmir, Tsering and a few other Ladakhis were fortunate to meet Ven. 19th Bakula Rinpoche, who generously gifted each of them 26 kilos of rice, a piece of cloth for a goncha (traditional Ladakhi dress), a patloon (pair of pants), a kameez (shirt), and a tipi (a type of hat). To this day, Tsering cherishes the event and believes that it was because of Bakula Rinpoche’s blessings that he was able to prosper in business.

Tsering Dolma

The concept of Phaspun is an important part of the social structure among Buddhists in Ladakh. A loose definition of Phaspun could be a group of people connected through a shared protective deity called "phas-lha." In Skurbuchan, there is a group of families that identify with a Phaspun known as the Gyashingpas, with their protective deity referred to as Tashi Nyenbo 

According to Tsering Dolma, a member of the Gyashingpa Phaspun, centuries ago, a princess named Onjor from across the Karakoram range was married to a king in the region. Tsering Dolma’s ancestors came as Nyopas (assistants) to the princess, and since then, they have settled in Skurbuchan. Within the Gyashingpas, there is another unique group of 5 to 6 families known as the Jingba Ringmos (Long Neck), who have a traditional role during social ceremonies, such as weddings, when they sit in a separate row next to the row of the Kagas, symbolically acting as protectors of the event. This old tradition is still practiced in Skurbuchan. In addition to the Gyashingpas, there was another Phaspun known as the Rablonpas, which in the beginning included many monks. While the Gyashingpas acted as guardians of the bride princess on her way to Ladakh, the Rablonpas accompanied the queen, offering prayers and taking care of religious rituals.

The Gyashingpas observe a unique and peculiar cultural practice. According to their tradition, if the spoon used to prepare the native dish Paba breaks during cooking, the entire dish must be discarded. Although this custom may appear insignificant, it holds profound cultural importance within the Gyashingpa Phaspun. Initially, there were only 18 families from the Gyashingpa Phaspun and 11 families from the Rablonpa Phaspun in Skurbuchan. Over time, their numbers have grown significantly. However, the Gyashingpas are not limited to Skurbuchan, as the author has also observed a few Gyashingpa families in the villages of Skyu and Stok.

Thinley Nurbu  in front  of Gyalpo Phong, Skurbuchan

Skurbuchan is home to some of the most important historical Chortens, Manis, and stone inscriptions in all of Ladakh. Near Tsering Dolma’s ancestral house stands a group of Chortens, which she believes contains the pearl necklace of Queen Onjor. Just before reaching the house, on the right side of the pathway, lies a group of Mani walls that feature two significant historical stone inscriptions. The first inscription, now broken into two pieces, mentions King Deleks Namgyal and Skurbuchan village. The second stone, which remains intact, references King Deldan Namgyal.

One of the most significant sites in Skurbuchan is associated with King Sengge Namgyal (Sen-ge-rnam-rgyal), the powerful 17th-century ruler of the Namgyal dynasty in Ladakh, who reigned from around 1616 until his death in approximately 1642. Known as the "Lion King," Sengge Namgyal was a devout Buddhist celebrated for his extensive contributions to the construction of monasteries, palaces, and shrines throughout Ladakh. While his reign and achievements are well-documented, including his death at Hanle, the circumstances of his birth remain steeped in legend. 

Local lore from Skurbuchan recounts that Sengge Namgyal's mother, Gyalmo Gyal Khatun, went into labor while traveling back to Timosgang and paused to rest in Skurbuchan. It is said that Sengge Namgyal was born beneath a boulder at a location now called Gyalpo Phong. Today, this site holds great spiritual significance within Skurbuchan’s sacred geography.

Stone inscription mentioning Gyalpo Sengge Namgyal

A short distance to the left of Gyalpo Phong from the main road, less than a hundred meters away, lies an extensive Mani wall. This wall is adorned with a rare stone inscription that references significant historical figures and landmarks, including Gyalpo Sengge Namgyal, Gyalmo Skalzang Dolma, Minister Aku Garmo, Deldan Namgyal, Indra Bodhi, Nurzin Gyalmo, the Indus River, and the Chosgyal Photang—the Palace of the Dharma King in Tingmosgang village. While these inscriptions from Skurbuchan have been documented in the past, they appear to have been largely forgotten and are now absent from contemporary discussions on Ladakhi history.

-The author extends sincere gratitude to the Honorable Councillor of Skurbuchan, Lundup Dorjey le, for his invaluable support in facilitating this visit.

-Tashi Namgyal le, Lecturer and prominent scholar from Ladakh, and the son of the late legendary historian Sonam Phunstog Achinathangpa, introduced the author to the Gyashingpa families and the historical stone inscriptions of Skurbuchan.

-Thinley Nurbu le, former Sarpanch of Achinathang Village, assisted the author in facilitating local contacts and travel.

Cultivating the Past: An Agriculturalist’s Life in Leh, Ladakh

Samstan Tsering

Samstan Tsering, 90, is a distinguished traditional agriculturalist from the renowned Shunu family, one of the largest landowners in Leh, Ladakh, India. A landlord by legacy, Samstan dedicated his life to managing vast ancestral lands and preserving traditions passed down through generations.

Agriculture was Samstan’s calling in life. He cultivated wheat, karez, and naksran on his family’s extensive lands in Skara, Leh, adhering to an annual crop rotation system—alternating wheat one year and naksran the next. Both karez and naksran are essential ingredients for making paba, a popular Ladakhi food. Perhaps influenced by microclimatic variations within this small region, barley was cultivated only in the Tukcha and Shenam areas of Leh. Farmers in Skara, where the Shunu family held their largest landholdings, focused on cultivating wheat, karez, and naksran. When barley was required, Samstan’s family sourced it from family friends in Taru or Phyang village, bartering it for naksran and transporting it in khal (approximately 50-kilogram) loads on donkeys.

Livestock ownership was central to life in Samstan’s youth, and until recently, he maintained a herd of hundreds of goats. Local Ladakhis around Skara often employed Changpa shepherds to graze their livestock in the lush pastures of Gangles and Gyamtsa near Leh for a fee. Grazing land was abundant then; the land where the Leh airport now stands was once a semi-fertile grazing ground teeming with animals. Samstan relied heavily on his own resources to meet household needs, including grain, meat, milk, butter, and wool. While most necessities were produced on his lands, he procured —a superior, long wool from Changpa traders—and blended it as Gyu with locally available wool to create fabrics for his clothing.

Salt was one of the few necessities Samstan purchased. In his youth, he often traveled to the bustling salt markets of Sakti and Chemrey during the ninth month of the Ladakhi calendar. With no motorable roads, Samstan selected the best two donkeys from his family’s herd for the journey. This tradition was followed even by the wealthiest families. Accompanied by Sonam Tashi from the Nyachu family and Meme Ishey from the Palden family of Skara, they bartered one khal of barley for two khals of salt from Changpa traders. The Changpas brought salt from the famed lakes of Mingdum Tsaka and Kyelste in Tibet, a practice which ended in the 1960s. While some Ladakhis purchased salt to sell in distant regions like Sham and Baltistan, Samstan and his companions procured only enough to meet their families’ annual needs.

One significant event Samstan witnessed before India’s independence in 1947 was the annual arrival of the Wazir of Ladakh from Skardu, the winter capital, to Leh, the summer capital. With much of his ancestral land near the Zunglam, Samstan frequently observed this event, a highlight of Leh’s social calendar. The Wazir traveled on horseback, while his wife followed in a palki (palanquin) carried by Ladakhi porters. The palki was handed over from one team of porters to another at various points along the journey, with the final team taking over at Nimo village from a group that had carried it from Basgo village. All this labor was unpaid, enforced under the Begar or Res system. The Wazir and his wife stayed at their residence near the Karzoo pond.

Another pivotal aspect of Samstan’s life was the annual visit of the Hor-Yarkandi traders to Ladakh. These caravans, led by traders riding horses, were a hallmark of Leh’s trading traditions. Camels and donkeys were primarily used to transport trading goods, though the group leaders occasionally preferred Horbung donkeys over horses. The Horbungs, prized for their smooth and comfortable ride, were meticulously cared for and occasionally sold to locals. Although once common in Leh, Horbungs have since disappeared.

The Shunu family provided the Hor traders with camping space at Ol Chenmo, their large tract of land in Skara, which served as a popular site for Yarkandi merchants. The caravans, comprising 50 to 60 traders, typically stayed for about two weeks, relying on local supplies such as ol (green fodder) and phukma (dry grass) provided by the Shunu family for their horses, camels, and donkeys. These supplies were often supplemented by neighboring families, including Meme Bula and the Jurchung family. Additionally, local women contributed by selling fodder in the Leh market during these visits, further supporting the traders’ needs.

The Hors traded goods such as phingpa, charok, kaleen, kangpis, and Yarkandi boras. Butter was a particularly sought-after item, instantly purchased by locals. However, one year, a rumor spread that the Yarkandi butter sold in Leh was made from horse milk, deterring buyers. That year, according to Samstan, the Hors used the excess butter in their Yarkandi pulao, a favorite dish in their cuisine. Additionally, the Hors brought small Yarkandi biscuits, distinct from the larger Kashmiri varieties, which they consumed with black tea on special occasions.

Samstan admired the toughness and resilience of the Hors, who endured harsh conditions with remarkable fortitude to reach Ladakh. Often, they sat in the open on Ol Chenmo, even during rare rainfall, seemingly unaffected by the elements. Tragically, Samstan heard that many perished on their arduous journeys to and from Yarkand, leaving skeletal remains along the trails.

Looking back on life in Leh during the 1940s and 1950s, Samstan recalls that before India’s independence in 1947, thirty-two Dogra soldiers were stationed at the Zorawar Fort in Leh. Local Ladakhis would often sell Pakphey (wheat flour) to these soldiers. He also remembers the Jinsi taxation system, which remained in place even after 1947. Under this system, villagers were required to give a portion of their crop yield to the government twice a year. The tax was collected by a government official, referred to as Meme Kutidar by the locals, at the government Kuti, located in the present day  Nausehar in Leh. The government also imposed a firewood collection system, where wealthier Ladakhis had to supply firewood for government employees during the winter months without any compensation. 

In the summer, Kashmiri traders would visit Leh to purchase Pashmina wool. Local traders, who had bought and stockpiled this wool from the Changpa nomads, facilitated these transactions. Among them, an elderly gentleman from the Bijal family, popularly known as Bijal-e-Baba, stood out as the most popular local trader in the Pashmina trade

Samstan fondly recalls a cohesive community where cooperation, rather than competition, was the foundation of daily life. Villagers actively participated in bunglut, often taking offense if their assistance was not sought. They willingly volunteered their cattle for fieldwork during sowing and harvest seasons. Despite the simplicity of those times, no one went hungry, as the community thrived on staples like thukpa and paba. The wholesome diet, combined with an active lifestyle, contributed to the overall health and resilience of the people. Remarkably, Samstan himself has maintained robust health throughout his life and has never fallen ill.

The Darses, Skara's vibrant three-day village archery celebrations, were once the most eagerly anticipated event of the year, a stark contrast to present times. The festivities began with benzang, a practice session where men refined their aim, followed by the grand main event, Darses Chenmo, and concluded with nyerey, the final day of winding down. Men and women adorned themselves in their finest attire, creating a colorful and inclusive celebration that brought the entire community together.

A few years ago, Samstan climbed Tsemo peak in Leh and was struck by the town’s transformation. What was once a green expanse stretching from Gangles to Mangla Bagh, filled with fertile fields, has now become a dense cluster of rooftops. Only the villages of Stok and Matho retain their greenery, while Leh seems to have turned into a Thang.

Ladakh-Yarkand trade route: Three Gentlemen

Stanzin Tsewang

Stanzin Tsewang, now 96-year-old, from Kyagar village in Nubra, Ladakh, is widely respected as an authority on the routes and geography of Nubra. Drawing from the Ladags Gyalrabs, Stanzin traces the history of Ladakh’s connections with the Hors—people of Turkic origin from north of the Karakoram mountains—stretching back a thousand years. According to this account, around the 10th century AD, a chieftain named Gyapa Cho in upper Indus faced repeated raids by the Hors, who crossed the Karakoram Pass to plunder the region. Hearing of Skyid lde nyi ma mgon the founder of the Ngari Khorsum Empire, Gyapa Cho invited him to counter these incursions, offering land in Shey as a reward. 

It is also mentioned in the Ladags Gyalrabs that in the 16th century, King Tsewang Namgyal of Ladakh considered launching a counter-invasion into the Hors’ territory across the Karakoram, but the people of Nubra, reliant on trade with the Hors, persuaded him to abandon the plan to safeguard their economic interests.

Stanzin recalls that during his youth, the Hors arrived in Nubra each summer, traveling in camel caravans over the Saser La Pass and descending through Tulum Putit La into the Nubra Valley at Sasoma. In Panamik, they would camp at Bhap Kothi, a storage area used by the Dogra government to collect taxes from villagers from Panamik and nearby settlements. This site served as a vital camping point for the Hors before they continued on to Leh. Stanzin also mentions an old practice called Nangskor, where the Hors camped on lands owned by specific Nubra families, using the grass for animal feed. Typically, a Hor trader traveled with about 10 servants, known as Chakars, who cared for the animals and goods, set up tents, and prepared food. According to Stanzin, the trader, the leader of the group was addressed as Bhai. The Hors brought items such as Kaleen (carpets), silk, and Baang and Charas (forms of cannabis); the scent of charas was strong, easily noticed as their camel caravans, loaded with goods, passed through Nubra. The Hors traded for cash, grazing rights, and collected medicinal plants: Mandok from Ladakh.

The Hor caravans typically consisted of two groups: traders, who moved on to Leh, and pilgrims (Hajis) who journeyed through Zojila to Kashmir and continued to Mecca, possibly by sea. They traveled through Nubra Valley, stopping at Panamik, Terisha, Kyagar, Terit, and other villages before crossing Khardung La to reach Leh. In winter, they took the Chang La Pass. Conscious of the harsh winter, the Hors aimed to return in Ston (autumn) before the passes closed. Stanzin recalls that some traders from Hoshiarpur in Leh often joined the Hors caravans to Yarkand in autumn to trade and returned the following summer. Many Hajis, however, did not return to Ladakh, possibly taking alternate routes after completing their pilgrimage.

Travelers from both Ladakh and Yarkand made the journey, returning once the passes reopened, but some chose to settle in new lands. Stanzin remembers a man named Gulam from the Lakjungpa family who moved to Yarkand with his family. Similarly, some Hors decided to settle in Ladakh, like Ahsan Bhai from Hargam village, a descendant of Yarkandi parents who established himself permanently in Nubra.

According to Stanzin, in the first half of the 20th century when the Leh-Yarkand trade was on, the Hors were so integrated into Nubra’s life that, Ladakhis along the Panamik route would use Hor words into their daily language. Common terms included “Su” for water, “keling  keling” for “come,” “At” for horse,  and “Ishak” for donkey.

Stanzin lists out examples to cite the legacy of the now abadoned Leh-Yarkand trade preserved in Turkic-origin place names along the route. For example, Daulet Beg Oldie, meaning “place where the rich man died,” in Turki language, refers to Said Khan of Yarkand, who perished there in the 14th century. His nephew, Mirza Haider, who invaded Ladakh with him, records his conquests—including the massacre of Nubra residents who resisted him—in the Tariq-e-Rashidi. Another location, Sultan Chusku, according to Stanzin is named after a wealthy Hor trader named Sultan, who frequently used it as a resting and grazing ground. Other place names, such as Chong Kumdan (large dam), Kichik Kumdan (small dam), Chongthar (“big boulder”), and Ak Tash (“white stone”) near Saser Brangsa, retain the influence of the Hor language and mark their historical presence in Nubra.

According to Stanzin these exchanges and interactions continued until the early 1950s, when political tensions and border issues at the Karakoram Pass ended the Hors’ visits. By 1955, with closed borders and shifting geopolitics, the Hors’ travels to Ladakh came to a permanent end.

Wangdus Nurbu Kalon

Wangdus Nurbu Kalon, now 83, from Tegar village in Nubra, Ladakh, was born into the prominent Srah-ngara family of Leh. This distinguished family played a significant role in the famous Lopchak trade missions from Ladakh to Tibet, an integral part of Ladakh’s historic trade network. His great grandfather, Dawa Shah, and uncle, Tonyot Shah, who frequently led these missions, were important central figures in the 20th-century trade history of Ladakh. Although Wangdus moved to Nubra in 1962, his early years in Leh gave him rare firsthand experience of the Hors’ visits to Leh—an experience few Ladakhis share today.

The Hors journeyed to Leh by crossing Saser La, Tulum putit La to Sasoma then crossing the Nubra valley finally descending down the Khardungla to enter Leh. Wangdus recalls the annual arrival of the Hors, each summer. The men traders were referred to as Khwaja, and the women as Khanum. His ancestral land in Leh was a favored stop for the Hors, along with other traditional resting places like the current police station Leh and the Sarai at Zangsti now a parking lot and public restroom. At Zangsti, a two-story building offered the Hors accommodations on the upper level, while their camels, horses, and notably large donkeys were kept below.

The Hors brought with them long-grain basmati rice, raisins, and sheep with large, fatty tails—a delicacy shared with locals who bought meat at the traders’ camps. Wangdus remembers them brewing Kawa chai, known as Singyaa, in a Samawar, a Central Asian kettle. After trading in Leh, the Hors would often continue to Kashmir, leaving their camels behind, and return months later carrying spices.

Wangdus recalls a phrase from the Hors, “Yaxshi ba, qaytsi bama, qandaq ka le ma.” a loose translation would mean something close to - "good, are you going back" ? They also used the term “Obdang” frequently as a word of praise. The Hors brought valuable items like kaleen (carpets) and other Yarkandi goods, and Wangdus’ family, one of the wealthier families in Nubra, still has a collection of Yarkandi items, including carpets and utensils.

One particular memory stands out: A Deputy Commissioner of Ladakh, a frequent visitor to Nubra, and a friend of the Kalon family, enjoyed a song celebrating the memory of visiting Hors, sung by one Tsewang from Terisha. Though the Hors no longer visit Ladakh, the song endures, and Wangdus remembers the Deputy Commissioner's delight as Tsewang performed, balancing on one leg, jumping and singing, “Achir Khan lo, Wachir Khan lo, wai wai jaan, Yarkand Khwaja Obdan, wai wai bhai jaan,” as the Deputy Commissioner  laughed and clapped along. This song, rich with memories of the Hors, remains a treasured piece of Nubra’s history.

Phunstog Stobdan Vir Chakra

Havaldar Punchok Stobdan, Vir Chakra, now 86 and from the Khampa Gongma family in Panamik village, Nubra, is a distinguished veteran of two wars. He was awarded, The Chief of Army Staff Commendation Card, in 1962 and later received the Vir Chakra for his bravery in the 1971 war with Pakistan.

In his youth, Stobdan recalls the annual arrival of the Hors—Yarkandi traders—each summer, typically in the 4th or 5th month when the Saser La pass reopened. Traveling in small groups of 5-6, the traders would suddenly descend into Nubra with over a hundred camels, a breathtaking sight in the valley. According to Stobdan, traders on the Leh-Yarkand route meticulously planned their loads, balancing up to 50 kg in sturdy Pyingpa bags on each horse and adjusting the width to fit the Leh-Yarkand trade route’s narrowest sections, only 6.5 feet across.

In Panamik, a government-run Godown served as a tax collection center, where villagers contributed a portion of their harvest. Upon arrival, the Hors would first visit the Kutidar, the official in charge of the Godown, presenting certificates from Yarkandi authorities that entitled them to a free barley supply as part of an agreement established under British jurisdiction over the Leh-Yarkand trade route. Some Hors cleaned the barley to take to Leh, while others used it as animal feed, and some took it to local grinders to make Phey (flour).

The Hors typically camped for 3-4 days near the Kutti Godown in Panamik and on private lands owned by various families, including Stobdan’s ancestral home. This arrangement, known as Nangskor, allowed the Hors to stay with specific families in Nubra each year and use their Olthang (grass fields) as fodder for their animals in exchange of gifts from Yarkand.

Stobdan’s grandfather, Sonam Tsepal, was highly respected among the Hors and frequently traveled to Yarkand. Known for his exceptional horses, Sonam often rented them to the Hors to transport goods back to Yarkand, often accompanying them himself. According to Stobdan, the Hors’ servants, known as Chakars, set up tents across Panamik. They would cook fragrant basmati rice from Yarkand, its aroma spreading through the valley and making it a beloved delicacy among the people of Nubra. The traders also brought sheep with distinctive round, fatty tails, which they prepared and cooked at their campsites.

The Hors traded items such as carpets, Namda, and Pyingpa of different types - Kha Marpo—some adorned with mentok (floral) designs and others left plain. They also brought silk and precious metals like gold and silver, locally known as Gyastat. Charas was another popular item, and Stobdan recalls a Charas Munshi, an official at Panamik who oversaw the entry of Charas from Central Asia into Ladakh. The people of Nubra frequently bought animals from the Hors, with horses priced at Rs. 1 and donkeys at 8 annas. A person named Labor Rigzin was known for owning a camel, while the Kalon family owned the largest collection of animals in the area. The Hors often stored goods with locals in Nubra, and collecting them  the following year.

Like Wangdus Nurbu and Stanzin Tsewang, Stobdan remembers phrases in the Hor language, such as "Bugun Tureyan Bar miz" loosely  meaning “Would you stay back?” 

 *The author extends sincere gratitude to the Honorable Councillor of Panamik, Tsering Sangdup le, for his invaluable support in facilitating this visit.

Note: The author has used phonetic Hor/Uyghur words in this article and may have occasionally erred in transcribing the exact words due to note-taking inaccuracies. Any misinterpretations are due to the author’s limited understanding and will be clarified through follow-up interviews during the next visit to Nubra. The article will be edited and revised accordingly.

Hoshiarpur Traders of Ladakh

Raj Kumar Sethi

Raj Kumar Sethi’s grandfather, Shri Lahori Lal Sethi, came to Ladakh in the 1930s from Hoshiarpur in Punjab “to look for greener pastures.” At that time, the only non-local businessmen in Leh were from Hoshiarpur and Himachal Pradesh. His grandfather arrived in Ladakh with one of the Hoshiarpur traders who were already settled in Ladakh. His father, Shri Omkarnath Singh, later joined his grandfather. In Ladakh, Raj Kumar Sethi’s family was known as the Lahorimals. The family owned property in both Leh and Kargil until the 1970s. While they still own their ancestral property in Leh, the property in Kargil has since been transferred to someone in Kargil town..

In 1947, rumours spread that Pakistan was going to overtake Ladakh, prompting many traders to leave. Raj Kumar’s father returned to Hoshiarpur, where he set up a cloth business. In 1951, he returned to Ladakh to restart his old business, and later, in 1955, his mother joined him. Three of his four sisters were born in Ladakh. In 1966-67, they bought their current palatial house in Lajpat Nagar, New Delhi.

Raj Kumar was 17 years old when he first came to Ladakh in 1969. After finishing his Higher Secondary School, his parents decided to send him to Ladakh to take care of the family business. In those days, there were no commercial airlines to Ladakh. The only way to reach Ladakh was through the Srinagar route or by taking an army airplane from Chandigarh. The journey from Srinagar to Leh would take three weeks on khachchar (mule) and horses, and his elder brother often used this route.

To fly on an army aircraft, one had to get permission from officials in Udhampur and then wait for flight dates in Chandigarh. Raj Kumar distinctly remembers the 31st of May, 1969, when he landed at Spituk Airport. The airport was nothing more than an empty field, with no one in sight. From a distance, Raj Kumar could see a Jeep at the base of Spituk Gompa. After leaving his attache, which was safe since there was nobody to steal it at the remote airstrip, Raj Kumar walked to the Jeep. The driver, Ghani, worked for the DC office and had come to drop off some VIPs. He requested Ghani if he could take him to Leh Shaher. After the VIPs had taken off, Ghani offered Raj Kumar a lift. They drove to Balkhang Chowk, where a large protest was taking place in the market. Incidentally, this protest that Raj Kumar witnessed on his very first day in Ladakh was a very important event in the post-independence history of Ladakh, which would be covered separately. From there, crossing the protestors, Raj Kumar walked the short two-minute distance to his house and shop.

While the food habits remained the same as he lived with his parents, Raj Kumar had to make an effort to understand Ladakhi, especially when customers from distant villages came to the shop. Many didn’t understand Hindi, but soon enough, Raj Kumar started making friends.

During that time, the Ohris were among the most popular families from Hoshiarpur settled in Leh. Their firm, Shaadi Lal Dwarka Nath, served as a one-stop shop for all the needs of the Ladakhi community. Locals affectionately referred to them as Lala Shaadilal. Even today, many elderly Ladakhis recall buying items from Lala Shaadilal’s Hatti. Sometime in the second half of the 20th century, one branch of the Ohris moved to Mumbai. It is believed that they gifted their property in Ladakh to Pandit Bihari Lal and his brother Hridya Ram, who worked for them. The brothers later sold the property to some Kashmiris. Pandit Bihari Lal’s sons migrated to Himachal Pradesh in the 1980s, while Hridya Ram’s son, Krishan Kumar, remained in Ladakh until the 1990s. In Hoshiarpur, there is a Sethio-ka Mohalla (Sethi’s neighborhood). According to Raj Kumar, his father and he met Shaadilal Ohri and his son Dwarkanath Ohri there.

In those days, shopkeepers in Ladakh didn’t specialize in any particular goods. They sold everything that could be used in Ladakh, particularly daily essentials. Back in his shop, Raj Kumar traded in hardware, footwear, clothing, chai, dye colors,  rations, and other items. He even sold glasses used for windows, which came in only two sizes back then: 10 by 12 and 8 by 12 inches. Green tea and dye was sourced from Amritsar. Pre-independence, Amritsar was the trading capital of North India, with Delhi's importance emerging later. Some traders also transported opium from Amritsar to Central Asia. While they continued sourcing clothes and chai from Amritsar, soon groceries were obtained from Srinagar, which had begun developing into a commercial hub. Wholesalers extended credit, and traders like Raj Kumar conducted FOA (Forward on Account) transactions. According to Raj Kumar, there wasn’t much profit for the traders, and whatever they earned during the five months of summer was exhausted during the winter months when business was slow. Additionally, the general population was poor, and people had very limited money.  

Since phones were not popular, traders wrote letters to their suppliers in Srinagar, and goods would arrive accordingly. The volume of business was also small. Raj Kumar recalls that making Rs 250-300 a day was considered very good, and if business reached Rs 1,000, it was cause for celebration. Cashew nuts cost Rs 16 per kg, turmeric was Rs 2 per kg, and chili powder was Rs 2.25. Only solid salt from the plains was sold. For a long time, Raj Kumar and other traders struggled to sell salt because the MRP was Rs 2 per kg, while transportation costs from Delhi via Amritsar were Rs 1. The local administration insisted that traders could not sell above the MRP. The best quality Ladakhi tea used to cost Rs 8 per kg, which now costs over Rs 300. Raj Kumar also witnessed Ladakhis paying for groceries with pashmina. A large portion of their earnings came from Yarkandi and Kashgari traders who visited Leh in caravans after crossing the Karakoram Pass and traded with them. Business boomed for the Lahorimal family, and soon they were one of the top business families in Ladakh. Over time, local entrepreneurs like Mr. Tashi from the Shali family emerged as leading businessmen, along with Trilok Chand,  and Riaz Ahmed. They all sold similar goods.

Raj Kumar spent 44 years in Leh. During this time, he had a very successful business career. His last visit to Ladakh was in 2018. If not for his health, he would still go to his home in Leh and meet his friends there. His best friends from Leh include Nazir Khan, Dorjee Lakrook, Asgar Deen Darokhan, and Mateen Tak. He misses his friends dearly. After all these years, he now has to make new friends in Delhi, which is very difficult for him.

Nurla village: The Radio and the Mail Runners of Ladakh

Nawang Tundup

Nawang Tundup, 90 years old, of Serchongpa family in village Nurla, in Leh, Ladakh, India, measures his land by sunsets. It takes him three sunsets to finish working on his vast fields. When he was young, prices were significantly different: Chuli was Rs 1 per Pao (250 grams), and Phating was Rs 3 per Pao. In his youth, Nawang Tundup would visit Sakti with his donkeys, staying there for 2-3 days until the Changpas (nomadic herders) arrived. He bartered Nas (barley) for salt, then returned to Nurla before heading to Kargil, where he would again trade his surplus salt for Nas, earning a profit. Once back in Nurla, he would grind the barley into Phey (a type of flour), which he then sold again for a profit. 

At the age of 25, Nawang Tundup made a trip to Kashmir, taking Rs 200 with him to buy rice. His companions on the journey were a member of the Tongspon family, Tashi from the Kyatpa family, and Skarma from the Gongmey family. He returned with Rs 100 still unspent—a significant amount in those days, when Rs 100 could meet most of one’s needs. “One hundred rupees back then was worth more than a thousand now,” he remarked. He traveled with one horse and five donkeys (Horbung), which he had purchased from the Hors. From Kashmir, the horse carried 50 Battis (1 Batti equals about 2 kg) of rice, while the stronger donkeys carried 30 Battis, and the weaker ones carried 25 Battis each. The journey to Kashmir took 15 days each way, and they stayed in Kashmir for several days. During this trip, Nawang Tundup and his team met the famous Ladakhi engineer Shri Sonam Nurbo, who was taking measurements for the new road from Srinagar to Leh. He later met him once again when he was inspecting the road from Wanla to Hanupatta.

Master Sonam Dorjey

Master Sonam Dorjey, 98 yrs, is a retired headmaster and respected scholar of mid-20th century Ladakh. Over his career, he taught in remote areas across Ladakh, including Nubra and Changthang. His most memorable experience was in 1954 when he traveled to Mount Kailash and Lake Manasarovar with the 19th Venerable Bakula Rinpoche. The pilgrimage team consisted of four lamas, the Goba from Spituk village, Nyemo Acho Phunsok, Tsetan Tundup from Gongbey Tongspon, Leh, Khambey Ajang Tsering Sonam, and 10-11 other attendees. Master Dorjey recalls an incident during this pilgrimage where the person in charge of planning the route made a mistake, leading the group from Demchok, Tashigang to Rudok and then to Manasarovar, and back through Changla. According to Master Dorjey, the journey should have followed the Buddhist practice of Skora (circumambulation), taking them from Changla, Tangtse, Chushul, and Rudok, with the return via Tashigang and Demchok.

After leaving Tashigang, the next major stop was at Minsar, which is Indian territory ( for more on Minsar, pl refer to the terms of the Treaty of Timosgang, of 1684), and the residents there paid revenue taxes to the Indian government. By this time, the people of Minsar were aware of the looming Chinese threat and shared their concerns with the group. The team stayed in Minsar for a night. The next stop was at Tetapuri Gompa, where the Komyer (incharge Lama) hailed from Hemis Monastery in Ladakh. They then moved on to Tokponoo and Chosku Gompa, where they stayed for two days, followed by a two-day stop at Deraphuk Gompa. After crossing the Dolma La Pass, they reached a place called Zumthulphuk.

Four days later, they arrived at a village called Tarchen, at the base of Kang Rinpoche (Mount Kailash), where many families lived in Rebos (tent-like structures) and small flat-roofed houses. The team stayed in Tarchen for 2-3 days before climbing to Diyung Gompa, a small, pristine monastery with only four lamas. After this, they reached a place called Gyantak and ventured no further. Master Dorjey fondly remembers seeing many Chortens (Buddhist stupas) at the base of Kang Rinpoche. The entire journey took about three and a half months before they returned to Leh.

In the past, Sham was known for its resilient traders who ventured to distant places in Tibet. Many from Sham would even participate in the famed Lopchak Trade Mission to Lhasa, Tibet ( for more on Lopchak,  pl refer to the Treaty of Timosgang,1684). Master Dorjey never witnessed the Lopchak Mission firsthand, but he frequently heard about the departure of the mission through Phunsog Namgyal of the Thangpa family from Nurla, who would accompany the Leh Kalon on the Lopchak every three years. The villagers of Nurla would hold a send-off ceremony, Kalchor, for Phunsog Namgyal before his departure. Other than Lopchak, the Shamma traders would go all across the Indus Valley, Nubra, Changthang, and Tibet. The furthest the Ladakhi traders traveled was to Gerste, where they encountered a Gerste Spon, who was in charge of all affairs in the area. Shamma traders from Ladakh carried goods such as Phey, Skampey, Phating, Stho Phating, and Nas. In return, they brought back Tsoskhul, Lena, Bal, Legu, Khulu, Sukdan, Sukthul, Mar, and Luk from Tibet.

According to Master Sonam Dorjey, during his youth, Meme Sonam Tundup of the Tsaskan family in Nurla was the leading trader not only in Nurla but perhaps in the whole of Sham. Master Dorjey also noted that Aba Phunsog had traveled as far as Lahore for business. He described Tundup as a generous and semba lakmo (clean-hearted) individual who frequently helped others in need. Tundup often advised people not to take large loans from him, although he always provided whatever they asked for. He sent his three sons to different regions of Changthang to trade and helped many families in and around Nurla become wealthy.

Besides the annual visits to the remote regions of Ladakh and Tibet, the Sham people also traded with outsiders passing through Sham. Sonam Dorjey recalled the Hor traders, who passed through Sham on their transit to Haj. These visits created business opportunities, particularly for those living along the highway (Paldapa), compared to those who lived nearer the mountains (Lungbatpa). In fact, many people residing along the roadside in Nurla and Sham learned some of the Hor language, which helped them trade with the Hors. One Abhi from the Staskan family was particularly known for her fluency in the language. Other traders passing by Nurla included Kashmiris and Baltis, though the Karjapas, who traveled to Leh from the southeastern roads, did not reach Sham.

Master Sonam recalls a unique mail-runner system that was in popular practice during the first half of the 20th century in Ladakh. It was through his uncle, Tsering Chhospel from Pharketang, who was a well-known mail runner, that Sonam learned the details of this unique system. Introduced by the Dogra officials to ensure mail reached its destination promptly, the system involved a series of runners covering the entire route from Leh to Srinagar and Skardu. The chain continued day and night, ensuring that a letter or parcel reached its destination without delay. Two mail runners covered each four-mile segment, passing the mail like a relay. Letters from Leh could reach Nurla the same day. Heavy parcels were kept separate and delivered later. In May 2024, Angchuk Fargo, the nephew of Master Sonam Dawa and the grandson of Tsering Chhospel, showed me the remains of two remote sites that were the remnants of old Dak Ghars used for storing Dak (mail)) during the days of the mail-runners.

 Ka Angchuk Fargo 

It was his mail-runner uncle who first told Master Sonam about a new technology called the radio. According to Master Sonam, a Christian Padri (priest) who came to live in Khalatse had brought the first radio to the region. His mail-runner uncle, Tsering Chhospel, would stop in Khalatse every Saturday after handing over his mail load to the next runner. The uncle, fascinated by the Padri’s English, began learning the language from him. It was during this time that his uncle saw the radio for the first time and returned to the village to tell people about the Padri's "talking box" with wires. He also recounted seeing the Padri cry while listening to the strange device. Much later, Master Sonam learned that the Padri had been receiving news about World War II on his radio and was saddened by the Allies’ defeats at the hands of Japanese soldiers. For a long time, no one in the village believed his uncle’s description of the “talking box.” Master Sonam also witnessed a gramophone for the first time when the Gyalpo Sonam Tundup Namgyal of Zangla in Zanskar visited Nurla on his way to Leh. Villagers gathered under a walnut tree to listen to the Gyalpo play music on the gramophone. Master Sonam also recalled how, during this period, when Europeans visited Ladakh, his mail-runner uncle, a keen learner of English, would quiz Master Sonam on the origins of these visitors, distinguishing the British (the "real Angrezpa"), Spainpa, Germanpa, and Italipa. 

Master Sonam remembered the  dreaded tradition of Res (forced labor), which required villagers along the road to transport goods for officials traveling to and from Leh for free on their  back. Foreigners, especially under orders from the British Joint Commissioner, would pay for the labor, but local Ladakhi officials, including Chaprasis, and Kashmiri officials, such as the Wazir, never paid for the labor. Many villagers purchased horses to avoid being forced to carry loads on their backs. Some even took loans to buy horses, hoping to escape the grueling Res labor. The Wazir’s wife and dog would often be transported in a Palki (palanquin), carried by a team of 15-16 people who took turns after short distances.

Master Sonam recalls a story as told to him by his grandfather, once a group of foreigners pitched three tents on Master Sonam’s land.  There was a dispute about the final payment to be made. One day, the British commissioner happened to be passing by Nurla. Master Sonam's grandfather seized the opportunity to visit the commissioner at the bungalow and complained to the British Joint Commissioner. The official listened patiently and ordered that the remaining money be paid. The order was typed using a small box, which villagers later learned was called a typewriter.

During a certain year, news spread of the impending bursting of a lake in Depsang, Nubra, leading to an influx of foreigners to the region who were part of the team assigned to solve the issue. The English recruited strong men from Nurla and nearby villages like Timosgang, including Tsaskan Meme Tundup's younger brother and Master Sonam’s mail-runner uncle, who was selected because he understood English. In Nurla, the Kutti (a small house) and a bungalow, once used for officials, have since been converted into a hospital and a school. According to Master Sonam, although times have changed, nothing has gone to waste. 

The above interviews were conducted in 2021.

100 years of Ladakh : Aba Mohd Hassan

Mohd Hassan

Born in 1922, Mohd Hassan, a resident of Leh, Ladakh, India, attended a school that was started by the Shia community of Leh, in Chutey Rantak, Leh, in 1915. Mohd Hassan recalls the teachers of that time: Bah Nabi, Munshi Hussain (the father of Dr. Ramzan), Kharmangpa, Akhon Ahmed ( Sheikh Mirza’s father ). These teachers were paid Rs. 5 per month. According to Mohd Hassan, his school years were marked by a mixture of progress and setbacks. He admitted that he often alternated between passing and failing and frequently dropped out and re-enrolled, reflecting the challenges of staying in school during that era. 

Mohd Hassan cherished his school days and deeply appreciated the efforts of the community to sustain the school in Chutey Rantak. Unfortunately, the school faced severe financial dificulties in the 1940s. In an attempt to save it, the Muslim community of Leh pooled together a significant sum of Rs. 40,000. This money was used to purchase Bal and Lena from the local market, and a man named Sheikh Ali, a native of Baltistan, was entrusted with selling the stock in Kashmir to generate additional funds for the school. Sadly, Sheikh Ali never returned, and the school was forced to close in 1945.

In between, after finishing class five, Mohd Hassan’s parents decided to continue his studies and enrolled him in a middle school in Leh, where the late Shri P. Namgyal, one of Ladakh's foremost political leaders, was his classmate in Class 6. His other classmates included Wangdan,Togochey, from Stok who was in boarding, Sonam from Phyang Gondarey, and Maj Tsetan Phunsok from Hunder. Shri P. Namgyal’s elder brother, the legendary Col Rinchen, was also in school with them in Class 7. Zomdey Ka Tashi Punsok, who had been posted as a teacher in Skardo, Shigar and Kharmang, was Aba Hassan’s tuition master. At that time, there was no school beyond Class 8 in Ladakh, and anyone interested in further studies had to go to Srinagar. Mohd Hassan didn’t pursue further studies and was soon inducted into the Army. Later, as circumstances allowed, he joined the Ladakh Police.

Mohd Hassan has fond memories of Changthang, where he was posted for many years. In 1952, while in service, Jawaharlal Nehru visited Ladakh in a Dakota plane that landed in a remote region. Nehru was accompanied by Indira Gandhi, who was a young girl at the time, along with Sheikh Abdullah and some senior ministers of the Government of India. This was the first time Mohd Hassan tasted mithai (Indian sweets), which was distributed by the local administration. He also recalls that at one time, Katcho Mohd Ali Khan from Kargil was the SDM in Nyoma.

Once while in Changthang with Tashi Namgyal of the Bandepa family and a two-star officer named Ghulam Rasool they went to Phobrang village to meet  the Goba (the village Headman) named Chopel, a very wealthy man with over 1,000 raluks (goats and sheep). To their surprise, none of the 15-20 families were at home. Only one elderly woman remained in the village. She informed them that a Lama Chenmo (a senior Lama) had come to visit the village, and all the villagers had gone to attend his teachings. When Mohd Hassan and his companions arrived at the gathering, they found the villagers listening to the Lama and asking him questions. The session lasted until 4 p.m., after which it was Ghulam Rasool’s turn. The Lama looked into a khatak (ceremonial scarf) and told Ghulam Rasool that there was a gathering in his house in Leh and that he should prepare for unpleasant news. After returning to Phobrang village, Goba Chopel insisted on slaughtering a goat for the group, but Ghulam Rasool was not in the mood for a celebration and insisted on returning to their base in Chushul. They reached Chushul that night, around 2 a.m., where a message was waiting for them that a member of Ghulam Rasool’s family had passed away. Mohd Hassan and Ghulam Rasool quickly borrowed two horses from the Kotwal and traveled back via the Muglib route.

Mohd Hassan is one of the few people who witnessed a little-known event in Ladakhi history. Somewhere between the late 1940s and early 1950s Ladakh saw the sudden arrival of hundreds of Kazakhs fleeing from atrocities. They were armed and arrived with their families, women, children, and livestock. According to Aba Hassan, they also had valuables, apparently looted from Tibetan monasteries and nomads during their journey to India. Soon they were allowed to set up temporary camps at Choglamsar, Skara Yokma Spang, and Shey. Desperate and tired, they were willing to barter generously with their possessions. Mohd Hassan would go to Skara with chunpo, for which he would receive one sheep. He would buy yaks and horses from the Kazakhs, purchasing a yak and a horse for Rs. 2 each, and then selling them for Rs. 3 and Rs. 3.5 in the market. One sheep was exchanged for a single roti (bread). In those days, law and order were maintained by Col Abdul Majid of the Kashmir government. After a few months, in early 1950s in the month of October or November, the Kazakhs were shifted on foot, out of Ladakh, through the Zojila Pass. Many of them died on the way, but a few managed to reach Baltal in Kashmir, and it is believed that they were later settled in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh. Years later, while in Srinagar with Ramatullah of the Sergar family and Wakhapa Rigzin, Mohd Hassan, along with another person from Kargil, visited Col Abdul Majid, who had retired and settled in Resham Khana near Batamaloo, Srinagar. Majid’s house was decorated with expensive Kazakh items, which he claimed to have bought from the Kazakhs.

Before 1947, traders known as Hors (from Xinjiang) and Karjapas (from Himachal) would visit Leh. The Hors would visit Leh in ston (autumn) and would buy olthang (grass fields) in places like Horzey, Kyokpey Olthang, and Choskorpe where they would keep their camels, horses, and donkeys. They would set up small markets in Leh and sell carpets, wool, charok, kampis, basho, and almonds. They would even sell horses; a horse was sold for Rs. 25, and Rs. 1 was paid as a commission to anyone who helped with the sale. Mohd Hassan still remembers how the Hors would announce “Nye da Baram” in the Uyghur language, meaning “Where are you going?” and “Nye may Kalem,” meaning “What are you doing?”. 

Mohd Hassan believed that Hors after crossing the Karakoram Pass, would part ways in Shyok valley: some moved to Leh through Khardung La or Chang La, while others moved toward Baltistan along the Shyok River. Aba Hassan also heard strange stories from Ladakhis, especially Chushotpas and Nubrapas, who traveled with the Hors to Daulat Beg Oldi (DBO). They claimed to hear the sound of galloping horses at night, which the Hors attributed to King Gesar’s horses. They also reported seeing dead bodies that appeared lifelike but would turn to dust when touched. Then there were tales of people finding treasures left behind by the Hors. One story involved someone finding a horjon (a double bag used by the Hors on horseback) containing traditional kulchas (small breads). When each kulcha was broken, a gold coin was found inside. The Hors reportedly carried these coins to avoid customs at the Karakoram Pass. 

Besides the Hors, the Karjapa traders would travel on horses with their servants, selling smandok (medicinal ingredients), kuram, cha, ras, tarchok, pabbu, and das (rice). Unlike the Hors, they would stay near the mountains for 6-7 days, setting up their tents in Gangles, Chomchala, Kugala, Lgeuma, and Smanla, where their servants would take care of the horses.

Reminiscing about the time when Leh was the summer capital and Skardo was the winter capital of Ladakh, Mohd Hassan recalled the Darbar shift system. One of his tutor’s friends, Katcho Raza of Skardu, would accompany the commissioner from Skardu in May and return in October. Even the dogs were carried on palkis. The team included the cooks, office kanungo, munshis and other officers, in total about 20-30 people. The commissioner was the highest-ranking official. They would stay in Leh for six months, similar to the Darbar shift in Kashmir. This practice was discontinued after India’s independence in 1947.

Before 1947, Leh had a very small deployment of forces under the Dogras. According to Mohd Hassan there were only 15-20 sepoys at Zorawar Fort, who were responsible for guarding the government Treasury. A similar number of sepoys were stationed in Kargil Treasury. Mohd Hassan recalled hearing that before Zorawar Fort was built, a ruined fort had stood in its place. He had also heard stories of Mirza Haider, who invaded Ladakh in the 1530s, destroying the fort by flooding it. Mohd Hassan remembers that when he was a young boy, the fort was repaired, and laborers were paid a daily wage of 4 annas for their work. 

In Leh, there was a Kotwal (police officer) who earned Rs. 8 per month. Mohd Hassan remembers one Kadir, from the Kalam family, who was a one-star officer. If transferred to Skardo, the Kotwal’s salary increased to Rs. 12. The same applied to any official transferred from Skardo to Leh. Initially, the thana (police station) was located in the new bazaar, but it was later shifted to Hors Sarai Kongma, which had been used as a Sarai (inn) by the Hor traders. The Sarai Yokma was taken over by the armed forces and eventually converted into quarters, which were constructed by an engineer from the Marstelang Cho family. Mohd Hassan also recalled that there was a Charas godown near Chutey Rantak, which was later given to Munshi Isa and Pir Sahib in exchange for land taken from them during road construction. In those days, the Hors bought Charas, which the Karjapa traders would then transport on horses to the plains. Mohd Hassan mentioned that there was a customs godown near Balkhang where Charas duties were collected, but he was unsure of its fate. Other customs sites in Ladakh included Balukhar in Khalste and a site near the present-day Khardongla Hotel, close to Chubi and Chutey Rantak. A Bangey Munshi (scribe) used to reside near Hemis Labrang.

Mohd Hassan also fondly remembered the days of Dosmochey, a festival. Three days before the festival, Skutaks from Leh would go to Stok to invite the Stok King to the Leh Palace. On the day of the festival, the Skutaks of Leh would welcome the Aba Gyapo (the king) and Abhi Gyamo (the queen) with a grand Kalchor and Spos. The Skutaks would follow them on 50-60 horses. This would be followed by a dance at Khardok Chenmo and a Larna.

Two rounds of interviews over three years with Mohd Hassan le revealed many fascinating and lesser-known aspects of Ladakhi history. His life is a treasure trove of experiences from early 20th-century Ladakh, and his memories provide valuable insights into the culture and history of the region. His rich experiences should be professionally documented, as few people in Ladakh have lived such an extraordinary and impactful life.