The Brokpas of Ladakh: Petroglyphs, Doltoks and Telegraph

Chamba Gyaltsan

The Brokpa community, settled in villages along the banks of the Indus River in Ladakh, India, is regarded as one of the earliest settler groups in the region. Chamba Gyaltsan, now 97 years old and a resident of Dah village, is one of the oldest members of the Brokpa community. He recalls the legend of his ancestors—three brothers named Galo, Melo, and Dulo—who migrated from Gilgit centuries ago. They first settled in Dah and later expanded to Hanu, Garkhon, Darchik, and neighboring villages.

The author met him in Baldes, a small hamlet of Dah. Reflecting on his disciplined youth, Chamba credits his health to a life centered around farming and family responsibilities. During his youth each day began around 4 a.m., feeding their horses, donkeys, and goats before starting fieldwork without breakfast. Time was marked by the sun’s position rather than clocks; as it rose above the mountains, they knew it was time to head home for their first meal. Food was seasonal: in autumn and winter, they ate paaba made from chaa (sorghum) for warmth, while in summer, barley was used to make kholak and paaba.

When Chamba was a young man, many from the Brokpa villages, including Chamba's father, journeyed to the salt markets in the Sakti and Chemrey villages, where they traded their barley and phating (dried apricots) for salt with Changpa traders. In these markets, only the leader of the Changpa group handled negotiations. Salt was traded in solid natural blocks known as Tsa dok-dok, rather than in powder form. The typical exchange rate was three battis (about 2 kg) of salt for one batti of phating, with separate rates set for wool (bal) and sheep. If needed, Changpa traders used a traditional scale called nyaga, calibrated with a stone known as pordo, to measure goods.

After returning from the Sakti-Chemrey market, Chamba's father and fellow villagers traveled over a week from Dah to reach Skardu and Shigar in Baltistan, where they traded salt for additional phating (dried apricots). It was customary for family members to escort relatives till Olding and Morol in Baltistan, where they crossed rivers in a ritual known as chu phingey phiya, or “crossing the water.” At 18, shortly after his marriage, Chamba joined this journey himself, traveling from Dah through Gurgurdo, Phuru, and Dansar to reach Morol—a three-day trek.

According to Chamba, the route to Skardo was known to involve crossing three major rivers. While Chamba could only identify the Leh-Chu (Indus) and Kusting Chu (Shyok), maps suggest that the third river might have been the Drass River, which travelers likely crossed to reach Olding before crossing the Indus again to arrive in Morol. This remains a hypothesis and could be refined with new information. At Morol, Chamba observed how the Brokpas relied on native Baltis to help them cross the rivers, using inflated buffalo skins called Jaks. The Baltis would place a Spangleb—a wooden slab—on two Jaks and secure it with ropes, creating a sturdy boat called a Thorow, capable of carrying both people and animals. Chamba saw that while men, donkeys, and cattle sailed on the Thorow, the horses would literally swim across the rivers. After ensuring his father’s safe crossing, Chamba returned to Dah.

The annual visits that the Brokpa traders made to the Sakti-Chemrey salt markets were primarily for trading salt in Baltistan. However, for personal use, the Brokpas in Dah mainly relied on Shamma traders, who traveled directly to villages in winter to sell salt and wool. These Shamma traders came from neighbouring villages of Saspol, Skurbuchan, and Temisgang, often braving heavy snowfall in the 11th and 12th months of the Ladakhi calendar. The annual visits of the Shamma traders and their trade involving tsa (salt) and bal (wool) were known as Tsatob Baltob by the Brokpas. The sturdy Shamma traders would camp in open fields, brewing tea, even during snow in harsh winter conditions. They borrowed shovels from villagers to clear the snow and covered their donkeys with thick covers for warmth.  The Brokpas would offer them supplies of kornak or patchaa—the remains of apricot kernels after oil extraction—as feed for their donkeys and dried turnips and chuli (apricots) in exchange of salt.

However, there were times of salt scarcity and Chamba narrated a little known practice followed by the Brokpas in the past. During times of scarcity, the Brokpa community, including Chamba Gyalstan's family, practiced an ingenious tradition of gathering Pa-tsaa from nearby mountains. This whitish substance, which resembled soda found in Nubra, was collected from soil secretions in certain mountainous areas. Chamba explained that his parents would carry it as a mixture of soil and stones back home, where they would process it by mixing it with water in a doltok ( stone utensil). The water was then filtered and used as a substitute for salt, helping the community manage during shortages.

Before India's independence in 1947, Leh served as Ladakh's summer capital, while Skardu was the winter capital. Government business operated through a Darbar Shift, with officials moving between the two locations based on the season. Communication between Leh and Skardu was maintained through telegrams and mail. Once, while in Leh, Chamba recalls witnessing a strange machine on which a government employee was operating a handle at different frequencies. Curious about the device, he learned that the silver wires connecting Leh to Skardu enabled the machine, known as the telegraph, to transmit messages across the distance.

In the past, doltoks (stone utensils) were a significant trade item between the Brokpas and the Baltis of Baltistan. Chamba shared that these essential utensils were crafted by villagers from Kusting (the old name for Hassanabad), located along the Shyok River, now in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. The Brokpas would meet the Kusting villagers at Kusting La, the site for Doltoks making. Kusting la, a mountain pass accessible from Dah after crossing Nyerda, was an area known for its abundant stone resources ideal for making doltoks. This trade involved Brokpas from Dah and villagers from Khalste, who traveled specifically to acquire these utensils. A mutual understanding existed between the communities: Brokpas would leave any unattended doltoks untouched, while Kusting villagers refrained from disturbing the Brokpas' cattle grazing in the area. Due to limited income, Kusting villagers also traveled annually to Shimla in Himachal Pradesh for seasonal work. Chamba Gyaltsan recalls seeing them pass through Dah, often stopping to rest at the changra (a communal space for celebrations) along their journey.

Meeting with Chamba Gyaltsan was filled with many anecdotal discussions. The areas around the Brokpa villages of Ladakh are famous for their high concentration of petroglyphs. Chamba shared a mystical explanation for the petroglyphs found around Khalste and Brokpa villages in the Indus Valley. According to him, these engravings are not man-made but were created by tiny beings known as Ileyphru, who work only under the cover of darkness. So small that they could fit into a cap. He claims to have witnessed this phenomenon firsthand when, once overnight, a petroglyph appeared on a local boulder. Chamba notes that local folklore holds that if one encounters an Ileyphru, the creature may grant a wish.

The oppressive Res or Thal system required villagers to provide free labor to government officials as they traveled between Leh, Kargil, and neighboring villages. For Dah’s 35 families, this duty extended from Nyurla to Lamayuru. Chamba vividly remembers one particularly challenging Res duty: transporting large tires across the mountains, a task that left him with painful rashes on his back. In addition to Res, villagers faced Jinsi and Bhaps taxes, collected twice a year by the Goba (village head) and submitted at Lamayuru. Chamba also recalls a time when nearly everything in Ladakh was taxed, from horses to land. 

Besides these obligations, the Ladakhis had to deal with a barrage of government officials making unreasonable demands. During Losar, the Kazdar would visit Dah, arriving with two horses and accompanied by the Shikardo, who enforced hunting restrictions. Villagers hosted these officials at the Goba’s residence, offering phukma (dry grass) for the horses and serving chang (local alcohol) and lavish food to the guests. During his stay, the Kazdar also resolved local disputes. These visits required the Brokpas to offer gifts, and doltoks were highly prized by the visiting officials. Years later, Chamba visited the family of a deceased Kazdar and recognized several doltoks he believed were forced gifts from his village.

Chamba holds deep respect for the 19th Ven. Bakula Rinpoche, whose efforts ultimately led to the abolition of these oppressive practices, freeing the people of Ladakh from the burdens of forced labor and excessive taxes.

Brokpa traders: Sakti-Chemrey to Baltistan

Nawang Stanzin

Nawang Stanzin, 96, from the Pichipa family, is one of the oldest residents of Garkon village in the Kargil district of Ladakh, India. He belongs to the Brokpa community, regarded as one of the earliest settlers of Ladakh. When he was young, it was a common practice for the Brokpa people from Dah, Hanu, Garkhon, and Batalik villages to travel to the famous salt markets of Sakti and Chemrey villages exchanging local barley for salt from Tibet. The salt was then transported to faraway places like Skardo and Shigar in Baltistan, where it was traded for apricots and cash. The money earned from selling salt in Baltistan was mainly used to pay the government tax in Ladakh, known as Bhaps, which was levied twice a year. The tax, amounting to 1 to 2 annas, had to be paid in Mulbek. Apart from Bhaps, villagers also endured the burden of Jins and the oppressive practice of Res/Begar, where they were forced to transport loads from Mulbek to Bod Kharbu. Nawang participated in Res, where he carried official loads of Dak and Bistara.

According to Nawang Stanzin who was a regular visitor to the Sakti-Chemrey salt market, the main salt market took place on the fields belonging to the Chemrey Monastery, where traders from all over Ladakh gathered to buy salt, wool, and sheep in exchange of barley. Nawang vividly remembers seeing over 1,000 sheep at this lively marketplace, their backs laden with Lugals (saddle bags). The trading terms were straightforward—equal amounts of barley were exchanged for equal amounts of salt. The Changpa traders also dealt in wool, offering ready-made bales of wool called 'Stakhur,' which were easily carried by horses or donkeys. From Garkhon, it took eight days to reach Ladakh, and the same amount of time was needed to reach Skardo.

Abiding by the old tradition of seeing off family and friends embarking on trade journeys to Baltistan, the farthest Nawang ever traveled was to Morol and Olding, now part of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK). These locations served as the farewell points, where they would watch the elders cross rivers to reach Skardu and Shigar. The rivers were crossed using flat wooden platforms called Bhips, which were sturdy enough to carry both people and animals. A Balti rower, using a long stick, would guide the Bhips across the river, ensuring a safe passage. Besides the Bhips, the Baltis used an ingenious method called Balang Pakspa to cross rivers. They would sew and inflate buffalo skins, allowing a person to lie on the inflated skin and paddle across. A third method combined both approaches—a Bhips built on top of inflated buffalo skins.

The journey to and back from Baltistan took about a month. From the long journey of Baltistan, the traders brought back Phating (apricots) and Zhupu (young dzho, a yak-cattle hybrid). Nawang also recalls a time when some villagers brought back stongyur chaa, a variety of grain from Skardo, so fertile that one seed could produce up to 1,000 grains.

In addition to his trading activities, Nawang Stanzin has occasionally taken on the role of a Mon, a traditional musician who performed for his community during special occasions. This responsibility circulates from person to person within the community, ensuring that the tradition is passed on and maintained across generations.

Traders of the Chelong Valley, Ladakh

Gulam Jaffar at his shop in Panikhar

For generations, traders from the Suru Valley in Kargil, Ladakh, have journeyed southwest from Panikhar village, in Suru Valley, passing through the picturesque Chelong Valley to reach the Warwan Valley in Jammu and Kashmir. Panikhar, which serves as both a hub for trade and commerce and the entry point to the Suru Valley from Chelong Valley, has long been a key stop on these trade routes. Today, this historic route has become a popular trekking path and is even being considered as an alternative access to the Amarnath Shrine. 

Following the tradition of his ancestors, Gulam Jaffar, 82 years, from Panikhar spent many years making annual treks for trade to Warwan and Pahalgam. In Warwan, Jaffar would exchange young Dzhos (a hybrid between yaks and domestic cattle) from the Suru Valley for fully grown Dzhos from Warwan. Typically, he traded two young Dzhos for one adult. On some occasions, he would trade one young Dzho along with some money for a fully grown Dzho. The adult Dzhos Jaffar brought back were either used for meat or sold to buyers from Kargil, particularly those from the Sod area, who would then sell them in distant places like Leh. Over time, some of the young Dzhos he had traded in Warwan would mature into adults and return, creating a continuous cycle of exchange. This practice had survived for many generations.

Gulam Jaffar was actively involved in trading Brangsee (honey), which he sourced from the villagers of Warwan. The hives were ingeniously constructed within the walls of village huts, with the main hive located inside the house and a small hole-like opening in the wall connecting it to the outside. These hives were placed in wooden cases, referred to by Jaffar as Shing Dongmo. The cases were plastered with mud, leaving only the small external opening for the bees through the wall of the hut. Remarkably, the villagers shared their living spaces with these hives, sleeping in the very rooms where they were kept. To harvest the honey, smoke was used to drive the bees out of the hives. The honey was then manually collected through a meticulous process that required nearly 10 days to produce 20-30 kilograms. After collection, the honey was ground and filtered by hand before being packed into skin cases known as Kyalba. At that time, the honey was sold for Rs 20 per kilogram, a stark contrast to the current price of nearly Rs 2800 per kilogram.

In the days before electricity or kerosene oil, Gulam Jaffar would gather a type of wood called La-shee from the Warwan forests. This wood, which burned like a large incense stick, with its glowing tip casting a faint light that lasted less than an hour, was a vital source of illumination during the dark nights. In later years, Jaffar would carry 5 liters of kerosene for six families from Pahalgam through the Chelong Valley. This kerosene was used to light their homes, with each family carefully rationing less than a liter to last the entire winter. They would finish their dinners and sleep early  to conserve the oil. At that time, the market price for kerosene was Rs 3 per liter.

Gulam Jaffar also recalls the difficulties of paying taxes like Bhaps and Jinsi to the revenue officials. The entire family would clean their crops meticulously, and his father would transport them to the revenue office in Kargil. Despite their hard work, corrupt officials sometimes rejected the crops, making those days feel like Zulum (oppression). The burden of these taxes was so heavy that some families in the Suru Valley were even forced to sell their fields Zhing (fields) and gardens Tsas (gardens) to pay them.

During winter, the Chelong Valley was cut off for six months due to snow. At the age of 40, Jaffar once took the Umbala Pass route to Dras and then onward to Kashmir. This route, which directly connects the Suru Valley to Dras and bypasses Kargil, took him two days to travel—a journey that now takes just three hours by car. On the first day, he camped overnight at Umbala Pass, and on the second day, he stayed in Lamochan village before continuing to Dras. From there, he traveled to Zojila Pass and Sonamarg to purchase rice (Bras) at Rs 1 per kilogram.

Habbibullah

Habbibullah, 77 years from Panikhar traveled 3-4 times through the Chelong Valley to purchase butter from the villagers in Warwan, Kashmir. In Warwan, the villagers would prepare 3-4 kilogram butter doughs and pack them in skin bags called Kyalba. Once back in Panikhar, in the Suru Valley, the women in his family would transfer the butter from the Kyalba into utensils, separate the liquid portion from the dough, and purify it. They would then shape the butter into 3-4 kilogram balls. Habbibullah would then take the butter to Kargil for sale in September and October. The butter that Habbibullah purchased at Rs 12 per kilogram would be sold for Rs 24 per kilogram in Kargil.

 Salim Khan, Haji Gulam Mehdi and Ali Jaan

Haji Gulam Mehdi, a resident of Panikhar, spent much of his life engaged in the meat trade. In his younger days, he made yearly journeys to the Warwan Valley in Kashmir, traveling through the Chelong Valley for trade. On one occasion, he embarked on a three-day journey to Sukhnai, a village in the Warwan Valley, to purchase livestock. There, he bought 400 sheep, which he later sold in Kargil. In the past, the road from Panikhar to Warwan was so narrow that horses sometimes fell into the river. Currently, a road is under construction, extending about 10 kilometers into the Chelong Valley from Panikhar. Haji Gulam believes that if the road were improved and a tunnel built at Boban glacier, it would transform life in the Suru Valley. 

In addition to his trading activities in Warwan Valley and Kargil, Haji Gulam has fond memories of the years he spent at cattle camps, known as Doks, at a site called Raygun in the Chelong Valley. The Dok was particularly renowned for its clean water, drawn from the Dok-Chu Chesma spring. Each year, Haji Gulam spent 3-4 months there, caring for livestock and gathering wood, juniper (Shukpa), shrubs (Burtse), and cow dung (Sherang or Shilang) to use as fuel. His family members would visit him in the Doks, collecting surplus grass, shrubs, and cow dung to take back to the village for later use. Whenever possible, Haji Gulam continued his trading from the Dok, exchanging young Dzhos for adult Dzhos with Warwan traders who visited the camps, sometimes paying them in cash.

Life in the Doks, however, was not without its challenges. Wild animals like snow leopards, brown bears, and wolves often posed a threat to their livestock. Despite these dangers, Haji Gulam lived this way for 10-15 years. Haji Gulam eventually stopped traveling through the Chelong Valley and now owns a popular grocery shop in Panikhar. After 20 years, he returned to the area with the author, reflecting on his memorable days as a trader.

Every year, Bakarwal nomads like Ali Jaan and Salim Khan from the district of Kathua in Jammu and Kashmir visit the Chelong Valley, which they refer to as Do Naldu. From Kathua, they travel to Ramban, cross the Banihal Pass to reach Anantnag, and then make their way to Kishtwar before crossing a glacier to finally reach the Chelong Valley in the month of May. In good weather, the journey from Kathua to Chelong takes about 15 days. They stay for three months, grazing livestock and trading sheep and wool with traders who visit them from different parts of Ladakh before returning to Kathua via the same route. When the author met them in the Chelong Valley, Ali Jaan owned 200 sheep, while his cousin Salim Khan had about 250 sheep.

Haji Gulam regularly purchased sheep and wool from the Bakarwals visiting the Chelong Valley. Despite the declining demand for wool, which once sold for Rs 65 per kilogram but has now dropped to less than Rs 10, Haji maintained a strong and supportive relationship with the Bakarwals. Among them, he had particularly close ties with Ali Jaan and Salim Khan, whom he knew through their parents—long-time friends of his. Their bond was so strong that, during their visits to Panikhar, the Bakarwals often stayed at Haji Gulam's home, where they were treated like family members. Through his shop in Panikhar, Haji continues to extend credit and provide rations to the Bakarwals when needed, further solidifying their connection and mutual trust.