Trade routes of Zanskar

Namgyal Dorjey

In the past, the Zanskar region of Ladakh, India, remained isolated from the outside world during the winter months due to heavy snowfall. The Chadar trek through the frozen Zanskar river, which connects Zanskar to the Indus Valley, was the only popular winter route. However, during the summer, it was connected to surrounding areas through a network of passes from all directions. From the west, the Pensila Pass leads to the Suru Valley, where the road further diverges either to the Warwan Valley in Kashmir or to Drass through the Umba La Pass, or to Kargil District.  The southeastern Shinkula Pass leads to Darcha and Himachal Pradesh, while in the northeast, the Zunglam/Jumglam route through the Charcharla Pass was historically the most significant, leading to Dat in Kharnak Changthang or further to the Markha Valley. In the south, three main passes—Omasila, Akshow via Hangshula, and one near Bardang passing through Poat La Pass and Kangla Pass —connect Zanskar to other regions of Kishtwar. Namgyal Dorjey, 55 years, from Ating village, Zanskar, is one of the few people who have traversed nearly all of these passes.

Namgyal's journey across these passes began around the age of 18 when he accompanied his father on treks to Paddar in the Kishtwar district of Jammu and Kashmir. Paddar, which lies south of the Zanskar mountain range, is known for its rich vegetation and abundance of wood. At that time, it was common for the people of Zanskar to barter peas grown in their region for various goods from Paddar. Wood, wool, Shing Khem (wooden shovels), Saldang (a bark used as a tea supplement), butter, rice, and Kangshil Tsotma or Lingdi, a vegetable the Himachalis used to make pickles were the popular commodities traders from Zanskar brought from Paddar. Namgyal's father would return from Paddar with dried Lingdi, which they would later soak in water, mix with milk, and cook as a vegetable. The Zanskaris also brought back Tau seeds (likely buckwheat) from Paddar, which they cultivated in Zanskar. According to Namgyal, the plant is believed to have cancer-fighting properties and is easy to digest, allowing one to eat it and immediately return to work.

With its frigid climate and sparse vegetation, Zanskar relied heavily on Paddar as a primary supplier of different kinds of wood for much of its history. According to Namgyal, Kero Shing was the most prized wood of all. Although not very thick, it was extremely strong. In Zanskar, it was commonly used for making window frames because its strength allowed them to maintain their shape for a very long time. Namgyal’s father once took four of his seven sons to Paddar, and on their return to Zanskar, each son carried seven logs of Kero wood.  Another type of wood, Stakpa, known for its durability, was used to craft a part of the wooden plough called Shol. The Dungma, or Yulat, was used in the construction of the Makdum/Bheem of a room. A less sought-after variety, called Raydung in Paddar, was primarily used as Talu during roof construction in Zanskar. However, in Paddar, Raydung was not valued highly and was often used as firewood. Som—known as Keylong Shing in Paddar—was used to make Khem (wooden shovels). Namgyal explained that Som wood is thicker and softer than any wood available locally in Zanskar, making it ideal for crafting single-piece, wider Khem, which are more effective for fieldwork. This was not possible with the limited amount of narrow wood commonly found in Zanskar. Additionally, Som wood is much easier to cut—"like butter," as Namgyal described it.

Namgyal observed that Zanskar's sparse vegetation also led to limited grazing areas and, consequently, fewer livestock. This scarcity of livestock caused a shortage of wool for clothing in the region. As a result, people in the Stod region of Zanskar relied on wool, or Bal, from Paddar, known for its high quality and was used directly to prepare garments without any mixing. While the Changpa traders are recorded to have carried Bal for trade in Zanskar, it’s possible that by the time they reached Ating and other villages at the end of their trade route, they had already exhausted their supply of Bal. This situation would have made the villages in the Stod region more dependent on wool from Paddar.

Before the 1990s, the trade routes used by the people of Zanskar were popular among foreign tourists for trekking, and Nawang, like many men from Zanskar and other parts of Ladakh, found lucrative opportunities to earn extra income as a tourist guide along these routes. However, it has been 15 years since Namgyal last traveled these routes, either for trade or as a tourist guide.

The most popular route from Zanskar to Paddar was via the Omasila Pass. Namgyal would trek from Ating to a location called Gowra, where they would spend the night at Kanju Pulu before making the crossing. In 1981-82, Namgyal's father and uncle constructed a shelter there, which had three rooms—two featuring Dungma roofs and one made entirely of stone. After Gowra, some travelers would stop at a place called Rooa, while others continued on to Kache Phangsa, known for its expansive snow-covered plains called Chashee Thang. More experienced trekkers could go directly from Kanju Pulu to Sumcham, the first inhabited village in Paddar. Namgyal recounts a surprising incident when his father crossed the Omasila to reach Paddar and returned to Ating on the same day.

Namgyal has also traveled from Akshow village through Hangshula Pass to Sumcham in Paddar, a challenging path with no proper trail, according to Namgyal it was- only ice at the bottom and pebbles on top. This route was tough and slow, taking five to six days. The ground was so tough that Namgyal and his fellow traveler Thinley's shoes tore before they could reach Paddar. While there are fewer climbs on this route than on the Omasila Pass, there is a lot of ice to scale. In contrast, the trek before the Omasila Pass from Zanskar is relatively plain, while the trek after the pass is snowy. On the Akshow side, there is ice on one side and relatively plain towards Paddar.

Thirty years ago, Namgyal also traversed the Kang La Pass route to Paddar, originating from a place near the Bardan Gompa. Along with a trekker named Maymay Rigzin and another friend, he covered the route, which was very long and full of glaciers. On the third day, they encountered a glacier, which according to Namgyal, was as long as the distance from 'Ating to Padum', a site where they slept on the icy glacier for the night. In the extreme cold of the night, Namgyal and friends could hear the ice cracking beneath them. The other side, after crossing the glacier and the Kangla Pass, was very beautiful with a long slope, making it the most beautiful of the three popular routes leading to Paddar. On the fourth day, they reached the temporary shelters of Gaddi nomads called Dangsa and then at a place called Pattenam-Sattenam in Udaipur, in Kistwar district of Jammu and Kashmir, which had lots of Shukpa (Juniper) growing. According to Namgyal, at the end of the trek at Udaipur, he met some tourists who wanted a guide through Shinkula Pass, so he took that as a return route to Zanskar.

Namgyal mentioned a fourth route from Zanskar to Paddar, which is the least used of all the known routes. It is occasionally utilized by the Zanskaris to purchase Palang (cattle) from Paddar, though he has never trekked along it himself. According to trekking maps of Zanskar, this route starts at a location called Paddar Lungpa near Sani village in Zanskar, crosses the Munni La Pass, and then connects with the Omasila Pass route at a place called Bagjan, eventually leading to Sumcham in Paddar.

Towards the northeast, Namgyal took the Junglam route from Zanskar, crossing Chacharla Pass near Zangla village and eventually reaching Markha valley. On the first day, they camped at the base of Charcharla. The trek itself lasted about five days. After crossing Charcharla on the second day, they arrived at Standongsa, a location that requires careful navigation, as a wrong choice between left and right can lead to confusion. The correct path is to the left, which is more open. Further along, they reached Chanchu Sumdo, another spot where the route can be confusing. After reaching Markha village, some travelers continued to Spituk village via the Gandala Pass, while Namgyal took a vehicle from Chilling village back to Leh.

Among the many passes in the region, the Junglam in the northeast and a series of passes in the southeast served as key routes for the Changpa nomads, who visited Zanskar to trade salt. The nomads would arrive in Ating right after the harvest season, and settle in a plain area in the village called Toksham near where a school stands today. The Changpas followed an age-old tradition of slaughtering a male sheep on the first night of their visit and inviting all families for a feast to symbolize their arrival. The trading of salt would begin the following day. The Zanskaris had a relationship called dZagos or friendship with known Changpa nomads, and the Changpa dZagos would prioritize trading with their Zanskari counterparts. Every year, a Changpa named Mutup, who was Namgyal's family dZago would visit them with their annual supply of salt. The exchange rate was two Lugals of salt for four Lugals of barley.

Until recent times, Zanskar was renowned for its native horses, which are now rare across the region. According to Namgyal, these famed Zanskari horses were categorized by their color and the quality of their ride. Based on color, the classifications included black, white, blue, Tomar, Shau (a mix of Tomar and black), and Nyangpa, which had two subtypes: Nyangkar and Nyangmar. The best riding horses are known as Yorga. There are two varieties of Yorga: the Zyangyor, which had a smooth ride but ran very fast and required a skilled rider, and the Lugyar, which was slower but offered the best ride quality. Horses gave birth at the age of four to five years; some gave birth every year, while others did so every alternate year. The age of a horse in Zanskar was measured in years, known as Killings. A horse could live up to 30 killings, though the origin of this term is unclear.

In the past, Zanskar had a tradition of Zyon-lop trainers who specialized in training non-Yorga horses to correct their gait and achieve a smooth motion, a process known as Yorga Lapches. The trainer would ride the young horse and gradually slow its steps, repeating this exercise over many days until the smooth gait became second nature. If the process was rushed, the horse would revert to its original gait. This training typically occurred when the horse was less than two years old (Choba); beyond that age, it became more challenging to train them. According to Namgyal, Meme Nawang and Tsering Dorjee, a retired soldier, were both well-known Zyon-lop trainers in Ating. Training sessions were always held during Ston (autumn) when the fields were empty, and the trainers provided their services pro bono.

Namgyal also practiced a popular tradition for horses known as Turchet. Under this practice, the owner of a pregnant horse would temporarily hand over the horse to a caretaker. The caretaker was responsible for taking care of the horse until it gave birth. Once the foal was born, the horse would be returned to its original owner, while the caretaker would keep the foal as compensation for their efforts. Namgyal regularly practiced this tradition in collaboration with the Rangdum Monastery. He would take care of the pregnant horses from the monastery, and in return, he was allowed to keep the foals as his service charge.

Besides the horses, until about twenty years ago, Zanskar was home to many donkeys, but their numbers have since diminished. Namgyal observes that, unlike horses, donkeys show little variation in performance or market value, though they can be distinguished by their color and size—large or small, black or gray. Additionally, donkeys are categorized by the appearance of their noses and snouts, with two specific types known as Kha Nakpo and Kha Karpo. The decline in donkey populations can be attributed partly to the increasing use of vehicles for transportation and labor, which have replaced the donkeys previously employed for these tasks. Additionally, there has been a significant surge in demand for donkeys over the last ten years, as many donkeys have been purchased from Zanskar by contractors in the Kargil region for government construction projects. According to Namgyal another contributing factor, though not the main reason, has been attacks by Brown bears, which pose a threat to the remaining donkey population, most of which are left unattended in the open.

Ating village is also known for producing high-quality butter. It seems that the popularity of Zanskari butter is a relatively recent phenomenon as in the past Namgyal's father like many in Zanskar used to source butter from Paddar. As mentioned, Zanskar, which was much colder in the past, had fewer grazing sites and therefore less livestock and less butter production. According to Namgyal, the best butter in Zanskar comes from Ralakung village in Stod region. Other places known for good-quality butter are Paldar Lungpa and Rangdum. Namgyal has visited these areas with an Amchi: Traditional Medicine-man, who would come to Zanskar every year to source Man-saa, the medicinal plants for his medicines. The cattle feed on these medicinal plants, which is believed to contribute to the fine quality of Zanskari butter.

The Salt Route : Lamayuru to Tibet and Baltistan.

 

Sonam Stobdan

95-year-old Sonam Stobdan, from the Shutupa family in Lamayuru village in Ladakh, India, has spent many years of his life trading in and out of remote places, both within and outside Ladakh. His travels were carefully timed to coincide with the Hemis Tsechu festival, after which he would start his journey to Changthang or Tibet. In his youth, Sonam journeyed to Rudok, which he called Roochey Thog, and Gertse in Tibet with his herd of 8-10 donkeys, carrying goods such as barley, turnips, chuli, and phating from Ladakh. These items were highly valued by the natives of Tibet, and in exchange, he would receive bal, lena, and khullu.

Upon arriving in Gertse, Sonam would meet with the Gertse Spon, the local community leader, to gain permission to set up camp, often staying there for nearly a month.  He would set up his tent a little way away from the Changpas, respecting their privacy. He spent about a month, interacting with the Changpas, who lived in tents scattered across Gertse and the surrounding Lungpas and collected his stock of bal from them. Unlike modern trade, goods were often measured by volume rather than weight. In rare cases, he would use the traditional balance called the Nyaga. The exchange rate for goods varied, and he often received more bal, as barley was considered a rare commodity by the Changpas. In addition to bal, Sonam would also purchase sheep to carry the extra load, with each sheep able to carry two Batis of goods.

Sonam is one of the few remaining individuals in Ladakh who remembers the once-thriving salt markets of Sakti-Chemrey. He recalls how the Changpa salt traders would set up large markets in these areas, where thousands of sheep laden with salt would gather for days. Traders from the Sham region, particularly from villages above Bodh Kharbu (towards Khalste), would come to these markets to exchange Nas (barley) for the salt, which the Changpas brought from the salt fields of Lake Mingdum Tsaka in Tibet. Salt was traded for barley using a ratio of 4:5—four parts salt for five parts barley—with measurements typically done in Pao units (½ Pao, 1 Pao, with 4 Paos equaling 1 Seer, and 8 Paos equaling 1 Batti). After returning to Lamayuru and resting briefly, Sonam would travel to Kargil to sell the salt, often doubling his investment.

Sonam also made two memorable trips to Skardu and Shigar with his father. The journey from Kargil to Skardu took about eight days, passing through Olding, Sermik, and Gol. In Shigar, they camped near a sacred site associated with Guru Rinpoche. From Skardu, they purchased goods like Basho, Osay, and Phating, in exchange for salt and Bal. The Baltis, who were particularly fond of salt, would eagerly trade for it, often expressing their delight with the phrase Acho Bodh Leptok when they reached Shigar. To show their excitement upon seeing the precious salt, the Baltis would often take a handful of it and swallow it.

Reflecting on the past, Sonam also recalls the challenging days when the revenue department imposed taxes on the villagers in the form of Jins and Bhaps . They were also taxed for their goats, which had to be paid in the form of Ra-bhabs. While nearby villages like Dah, Hanu, and Bema would submit their Jins at Lamayuru, the people of Lamayuru were required to travel to Saspol twice a year to pay their dues.

Sonam has particularly unpleasant memories of the lower-level Ladakhi revenue officials, especially a notorious Chaprasi named Stanzin Ldawa (name changed), who, about 60 years ago, would visit the village with a whip, harshly treating the poor villagers. There was a Dak Bungalow in the village where the Hakims would rest, and the villagers were often forced to provide them with eggs, chicken, and goat. The villagers were also subjected to the Begar or Res system, where they were required to carry government loads from Lamayuru to Khalste or Bodh Kharbu for free. At times, they even had to carry a Palki, a four-man carriage, in which the officials’ families traveled. Any misstep would result in a whipping from the accompanying staff. Sonam, being a horse owner, was spared from carrying the loads himself, as he could offer his horse instead. However, those without horses, known as Miskyang, had to carry the burdens on their own backs.

In certain years, during autumn, when there was a scarcity of fodder for the donkeys, he would journey as far as Suru Karstey in Suru valley for grass and Phukma, a practice known as Phuktso.

The Salt Route: Tibet to Himachal Pradesh to Zanskar.

Thinley Wangyal

Thinley Wangyal le, an 85-year-old trader from Rupshu, in Changthang, India, is among the few remaining merchants in Ladakh who have journeyed to the legendary salt lakes of Mindum Tsaka and Kyeltse in Tibet. He visited Mindum three times and Kyeltse once. During his travels from Rupshu to these lakes, he journeyed with a team of about four people and 80 sheep, 40 of which he owned. Thinley Wangyal would begin his journey to Mindum immediately after the Losar festival in Ladakh. Each sheep carried empty Lugals: pair of woollen bags, used for transporting dry salt.

Traveling through Nyoma, Koyul to reach  Demchok (or Lari Karpo). It took him four days from Demchok to reach Mindum. From Demchok, Mindum Tsaka lies to the southeast toward Kang Rinpochey-the sacred Mount Kailash. Mindum Lake, resembling a very large Kongto ( depression in the gorund)is abundant in high-quality salt. To harvest the salt, Thinley Wangyal would cover his legs with sheepskin, known as Lugpa and enter the lake to remove the salt.

During their time at Mindum, Wangyal and his companions survived on Phey a staple food they brought with them. He would remain at Mindum Tsaka for 15-20 days, during which time they dried the salt on Tsali/Chali-woolen carpets typically made of yak hair. Once the salt was sufficiently dried, it was packed into Lugals and sealed for the long journey home and beyond.

The return journey included regular rest periods for the sheep, a practice known as Chakma. Mindum has no permanent population, but traders lived in tents known as Rebos. While Shamma traders traveled toward Tashigang and Rudok, they did not venture to Mindum. Thinley Wangyal visited Kyeltse only once, as the salt there was not as highly regarded. 

After returning to Rupshu, Thinley Wangyal would wait until the eighth month of the Ladakhi calendar to travel to Zanskar to sell the salt harvested from Tsaka. The traders from Rupshu would organize themselves into teams called Nangtso, consisting of about 5-6 members. Almost every family would send one representative. When Wangyal was young, he recalled that there were about 40 families in Kharnak, who organized themselves into 5-6 Nangtsos. Each team had a leader known as the Tsongspon, typically the member with the most sheep and salt. While the rest of the team traveled on foot, the Tsongspon would ride a horse.

Additionally, each group included a Gyalwa, responsible for maintaining the Lugals and repairing any damage to the bags. There was also a Lukzee, or shepherd, who was often the poorest member of the team, typically owning only 7-8 sheep. In return for his services, the Lukzee was allowed to use some of the other members’ sheep to transport his salt-filled Lugals. While the roles overlapped and the hierarchy was not strictly enforced, the Tsongspon would often travel separately and only rejoin the group as they neared Zanskar. From Rupshu, Wangyal’s route to Zanskar passed through Skyachuthang, Dozam, Tarchey Sumdo, Tangze, Ichar, and his final destination, Pibiting. There, they would set up a market and trade with his Zanskarpa friends for about seven days. The atmosphere during the stay was festive, with music, dance, and the traditional Ladakhi drink, chang. On the return journey, the Tsongspon would typically depart early.

Thinley Wangyal also participated in the popular market at Do-zam (Patseo in the maps), in Himachal Pradesh, where he traded Bal (wool) for rice, maida, Khara, and Kuram from the Karjapas. The journey from Rupshu to Sarchu in Himachal Pradesh, on foot, took him four days. Dozam, located north of Manali and south of Sarchu, was chosen as the market site because taking sheep farther south to Manali, which was warmer, would have been uncomfortable for the animals. The temporary market itself was a small gathering of no more than 100 people. The Karjapas only traded for wool and did not purchase sheep. Instead, they sheared the wool, which was then measured using a scale known as the Nyaga. A sheep typically yielded 2-3 kilograms of wool, which could be exchanged for 12-15 kilograms of rice.

In Zanskar, salt was bartered for an equal quantity of Nas (Barley). While Thinley Wangyal never ventured into Sham, he did sell salt as far as Thiksey, where his mother’s family lived and where he is settled at present. He noted that the salt from Tsokar was of inferior quality and required cleaning using a pan. 

Business in Kharnak.

At Dat and Lungmoche, temporary nomadic settlements in Kharnak, Changthang, Ladakh, with Ka Targe Tashi le, Ka Angchuk le, and their friends. They began their day in Dat, Kharnak (Pic 1-5) loading bales of 50 kg Boras—large sacks—to transport manure from the nearby nomad camp of Lungmoche. 

Later, when I met them again in Lungmoche (Pic 6-9) they were nearing the end of their work, filling the last Boras from heaps of manure collected from the cattle pens, locally known as Raley or Laee. While some men packed the manure, others sealed the sacks.

Ka Targe and his friends buy the manure from fellow nomads at Rs 70 per sack, with each sack measured by volume rather than weight. Typically, a 50 kg sack holds about 25-30 kg of manure. Once packed, the sacks are stacked and loaded onto trucks bound for Spiti, Himachal Pradesh. Each year, they sell around 20 truckloads of manure, with each truck carrying approximately 400 sacks. In Spiti, the manure is sold for around Rs 260 per sack. Many other Changpa nomads are also involved in this trade, making manure an essential part of their livelihood. 

 

Camels and Salt at Changla Pass, Ladakh

                              

Sonam Wangdu

Sonam Wangdu, 95 yrs, from Chemrey village in Leh, Ladakh, India, distinctly recalls that when he was young, Hor traders ( Turkic origin people from Yarkand, Kashgar, and surrounding regions), would descend the Changla Pass with camels and Horbungs-large donkeys from central Asia, that resembled Ladakhi horses. The Hor traders brought high-quality goods, especially sought-after items like silk and carpets. They had two varieties of silk: Shayee, which was considered superior, and Tutsey, which was of slightly lower quality. On the way back these traders preferred to return via the Khardungla Pass rather than Changla.

The other travelers to cross the Changla Pass were the Tibetan traders, who would bring salt from the lakes of Mindum Tsaka and Kyeltse in Tibet during the 8th or 9th month of the Ladakhi calendar. There was an unwritten code in Chemrey that required Tibetan salt traders to camp on land belonging to the Chemrey Gompa for at least three days before moving on to land owned by local families. In return for using the Gompa's or the families' land, the traders would leave behind rilmang (sheep/goat dung) to fertilize the land.

The salt market in Chemrey lasted for two to three months,during which the Tibetan traders would come and go. The market would attract traders from all over Ladakh including Sham and Baltistan. Baltistani traders would bring goods such as Phating (apricots), Osey (mulberries), and sometimes butter, which Wangdu recalls was of inferior quality compared to the butter brought by the Tibetan traders. Occasionally, a few Zanskari traders would venture to Kharu and Chemrey to sell butter, but this was rare.

During the Dogra rule, there was an important government official, known as the Munshi, residing in Tangste village. The Munshi was responsible for controlling trade, including salt, and for collecting fees from traders entering and leaving Ladakh via Changla. There was a government Kutti (house) in Tangste where the Munshi lived. Wangdu remembers that the father of the renowned Ladakhi scholar, the late Tashi Rabgais, from the Tukchupa family of Sakti village, once served as the Munshi at Tangste.

Sonam Wangdu fondly remembers many of his Tibetan friends, including Rabang Talmo and Thinley, who would come to Chemrey every year to trade their salt.

Among the Changpa Nomads. At Spangchen, Kharnak, Ladakh

Dorjey Angchuk

The region of Kharnak, or Khar Nakpo (Black Fort), in Changthang, Ladakh, India, derives its name from an ancient fortress that remains in ruins, situated in the mountains to the north of Kharnak. While the term Kharnak is used more broadly to describe a large area to the south of Taglangla Pass and west of Tsokar Lake, the settlement of Dat serves as its de facto center. This is evident even in the road milestones, which designate Dat as Kharnak.

I met Dorjey Angchuk, while he and others from Kharnak were encamped at Spangchen/Pangchen on 23rd, August, 2024. Accordin to Dorjey following their traditional migratory plan through different grazing lands :

1. From Spangchen the group would relocate to Yagang by september 20th, where they remain for two months, from october to mid-november. 
2. After Yagang, they return to Dat to celebrate 'Losar', the Ladakhi new year, staying until the end of February before moving on to Samarche. As summer approaches, they return to Dat for a brief period of five to six days, during which they conduct the traditional 'Gyatsa' prayers. During their time in Dat, the nomads focus on prayers for favorable weather, the well-being of their livestock, and absolution for the sins (Dikpa) associated with the slaughter of animals for food. 
3. The nomads spend 45 days at Samarche before heading back to Dat, where they remain until the first week of July.
4. Before concluding their stay in Dat, the nomads descend to Yagang for two days to store essential supplies for the rest of their journey. Situated conveniently close to their subsequent campsites, Yagang serves as a key storage location, allowing the Changpa nomads to replenish their stock as they move from one camp to another. The recent installation of a Jio mobile tower in Yagang has further enhanced its significance.
5. After stocking up in Yagang, the nomads head to Zara, located at the foot of the Taglangla pass, where they stay for 20 to 45 days—until "Nyima Logshik Tshukpa," as they say. 
6. From Zara, the nomads return to Spangchen/Pangchen, repeating their annual migratory cycle. 

It is noteworthy that during this journey, not all livestock accompany the nomads. The younger animals and those providing milk remain with them, while the rest, including the valuable Changra goats (Pashmina goats), are often sent along a different route with a hired shepherd known as a Lukzee.

Over time, there have been notable changes in the relationship between the Changpa nomads and their livestock. In the 1970s, only the wealthiest nomads owned as many as 400 animals. The ratio of humans to animals was also high, as large families were common due to the practice of polyandry. In the past, sheep were preferred over goats due to the ease of processing their wool and the superior taste of their meat. However, the rise in demand for Pashmina has shifted this preference. Today, while family sizes have shrunk, the average number of livestock per household has increased to more than a thousand.

Many nomads in Kharnak now employ shepherds, known as Lukzees, primarily from among Tibetan refugees and nomads from the Korzok and Rupshu areas, who receive an average payment of ₹25,000 per month. During the winter, some nomads also hire a Yakzee, responsible for tending their yaks, for a sum of ₹30,000 per month, along with essential food supplies. This trend is not unique to Kharnak; similar practices were witnessed by the author in areas west of Lamayuru in Leh district, as well as in parts of Kargil, Dras, and Zanskar. In Kargil and Dras, Bakarwal shepherds from Kashmir are hired for about ₹18,000 per month, while in Zanskar, locals employ both Bakarwals and Nepali shepherds.

The economic shift towards Pashmina production has also led to changes in agricultural practices. In the past, barley was cultivated in Dat, one of the few areas in Kharnak suitable for agriculture. However, with the growing demand for Pashmina, nomads now find it more lucrative to invest their time and resources in the wool trade rather than farming. This transition reflects a broader trend where traditional agricultural activities are being supplanted by more profitable ventures, reshaping the livelihoods of the nomadic communities.

 Spangchen Camp

Lukzees returning with the goats and sheep in the evening