At Rongo, Rupsho, with Aba Chamchot Tashi le, 79, and Ama Urgain Dolma le.

 

According to Aba Tashi, in earlier times, Pashmina did not hold the high value it commands today. Any small amount of Pashmina available was traditionally offered to the monasteries. A monk, known as a Leesee, would visit Rongo in the fourth or fifth month, specifically tasked with counting the Pashmina goats. An equivalent number of rounded Pashmina balls would then be offered to him. It was much later that Pashmina began to gain its current worth. The annual visit of the Leesee monk to Rongo, and this tradition, ceased approximately 30 years ago.

Historically, villages in the vicinity shared a deeply symbiotic relationship with the Hemis monastery. Pasturelands in the region were specifically designated and named according to the animals reared for the monasteries in the region:

• Raque: for the monastery's goats.

• Maque: for rearing female sheep.

• Deque: for Demo (a type of cow-yak hybrid) and Yak.

• Kharluk: for Khalba (male sheep).

• Barzee: located just beyond the Hanle monastery, for cows.

• Chips se Goba was the term for the person or place responsible for caring for the horses.

When Tashi was around 14, his uncle would embark on salt-sourcing journeys to Mindun Tsaka, located beyond Demchok. They would travel with sheep, not horses, taking the well-trodden road from Dumtsele. These expeditions typically occurred in the eighth or ninth month of the year. After acquiring the salt, they would rest for about two weeks before heading to villages near Leh, such as Leh itself, Martho, and Stok, to trade the salt for barley.

The same villagers also made annual trips to Himachal Pradesh, this time to sell wool in exchange for rice. Tashi distinctly remembers one such journey in 1962 when he accompanied his uncle. Their route took them towards Chumur, a day's journey, then to Tega Zong, and finally across the snow-covered Parangla Pass. They would cross Parangla in the middle of the night to avoid avalanches.

The journey from Chumur to Spiti took five days, passing through Sergatha, Takchuthang, Tarakurkur, and Lakartsey. In Spiti, they traded their sheared wool for a different variety of barley, which Tashi called Sua. Rice was sourced from areas further beyond Spiti within Himachal Pradesh. For these arduous trips, they exclusively used male sheep, known as Khalba, numbering about 30. Four men would accompany them, opting for Khalba over goats due to their wool-bearing capacity and superior sturdiness for carrying loads over long distances.

Lato, Rupsho.

 

Aba Sonam Angdu, 77, and his wife Tsering Langzey, 80, reside in Loma, a hamlet renowned for its bridge over the Indus, which tourists cross en route to Hanle. Sonam Angdu spent most of his youth working as a Lukzee- a person primarily responsible for tending to the sheep and goats. He recalls that around the age of 16, he would frequently travel to Leh with his father to trade sheep wool. They would load approximately 200 male sheep (Khalba) and male goats (Rabo) with empty saddlebags, known as lugals. These expeditions involved three to four men, with one Lukzee  Upon reaching villages like Sakti, Chemrey, and Martselang, his father would begin selling wool, sheared on-site, in exchange for barley and wheat, which would then fill the empty lugals.

He remembers his father undertaking long journeys towards the east of Demchok to source salt for resale in Ladakh. After access to these sources was lost due to geopolitical reasons, around 1959, his father and other people in the region began crossing the Polokongka La to source salt from Tsokar Lake in the Samad Rakchan region, towards Kharnak. He recalls that villagers from the Samad Rakchan settlements around the lake had stationed guards to prevent unauthorized salt collection.

Sonam Angdu visited Spiti in Himachal Pradesh three times. While other informants in nearby Rupshu villages stated that the journey from Chumur to Spiti took four or five days, Sonam Angdu's return journey took approximately two months, likely due to his role as a lukzee rather than a trader. After traveling for a few days towards Chumur, the last settlement before reaching Spiti, the shepherds would often rest there for several days to allow the sheep to recuperate, a practice known as Changma in the local language. 

He remembers traveling to Spiti during winters with the sheep. During these times, he often preferred to travel at night, especially when crossing glaciers, as these glaciers were prone to avalanches. The risk of avalanches was reduced at night when the ice held better due to the cold. He remembers how a member of the team would travel in front of the animals to find the route through the snow and the mountains, and the hundreds of sheep and goats would follow in a single line. After crossing the Parangla and reaching Spiti, he remembers witnessing a local market where wool, wheat, and rice were exchanged. This market was frequented by traders from Karja and nearby villages. 

He worked like this until the age of 25. Later, when he wanted to join the Indian Army, his father did not let him do so as he wanted him to stay close to them.Life was tough, and despite the trade, villagers faced problems. During these times, they would seek assistance from the Hemis Chakzot, who would loan them grains that were repaid the following year in the form of wool, Pashmina, or livestock.

At Chumur with Ama Tsetan Angmole, 82-year-old.

For centuries, the people of Rupsho, including those from Chumur, Hanle, Korzok, Loma, Rongo and other villages have embraced a nomadic pastoralist lifestyle. Interestingly, despite its geographical distance from Korzok, Chumur shares a unique administrative bond, falling under the purview of Korzok's single headman, known as the Goba in Ladakhi.

I met Ama Tsetan when she was camped with her goats and sheep in Tarla, a spot on the way to Chumur. She and other villagers from Chumur had been there for four months and were soon heading back home with their herds, timing their return to match that of Korzok residents who had been camped nearby.

Ama Tsetan vividly recalled that before 1959, her father and other men from Chumur would journey to regions beyond Demchok to source salt for trading. Life was undeniably tough, marked by severe food scarcity. This hardship necessitated two annual trips to the salt lakes, one in summer and another in autumn.

According to Ama Tsetan and other sources, once back the men quickly venture into either Zanskar or Spiti in Himachal Pradesh to trade this salt along with wool.

The men from Rupsho had established specific routes for their trading expeditions:

To Zanskar: They would cross the Polokonga Pass, connect with the present-day Leh-Manali route, and enter Zanskar near the Lingti River. From there, they'd disperse into the Lungnak and Stod regions of Zanskar to trade their salt and wool for barley.

To Spiti: This route took them through the Parangla Pass, a journey of four to five days from Chumur.

Their visits to Spiti served different purposes depending on the season:

Summer visits coincided with the sheep and goat shearing season. During these trips, they primarily sold wool and a limited amount of salt, with the animals often shorn right there in Spiti.

Autumn visits were dedicated to trading salt, and importantly, to selling sheep for meat.

Ama Tsetan shared that barley was the typical item received in barter for their goods. This was crucial for survival, as the extreme cold in Chumur made crop cultivation incredibly challenging.

At Rumbak: Aba Nawang Yontan.

At Rumbak, Aba Nawang Yontan le, an 87-year-old elder, recalled his earliest memories of salt—how, in his youth, the elders of his village journeyed to Changthang to procure it. In later years, he witnessed traders from Korzok bringing salt to the Leh market. At times, villagers from Rumbak also traveled to Sakti and Chemrey to purchase salt. Eventually, the government began distributing salt in the form of solid lumps.

Nawang named several elders who once made the arduous journey to Changthang. From Yurutse, there was Meymey Mutup. From Rumbak, the salt traders included Ajang Gyapo, Ajang Norphel, Aba Tsewang of the Chunpey family, and Aba Tundup Tashi. These men typically took along 10 to 12 donkeys, setting out in the fifth month of the local calendar and returning by the eighth—just in time for the harvest. They carried money, apricots, and barley flour to barter for salt and wool in Changthang.

When asked why they sourced wool from Changthang despite rearing sheep in Rumbak, Nawang explained that local wool, known as Lugubal, was shorter in fiber. It was used for the Spun (weft), whereas the longer-fibered wool from Changthang was preferred for the Gyu (warp), which required greater tensile strength.

He also spoke of the scarcity of wood and charcoal in Rumbak, which made these resources difficult to trade. Nonetheless, villagers would gather dry wood during winter and collect more in summer to sell for supplemental income. For larger quantities, they journeyed to the Markha Valley, crossing the Ganda La Pass. They would spend a night at Shingo before reaching the valley the next day. The collected wood, transported on yaks or horses, was then taken to Leh for sale.

Trade with Sham Valley was minimal; only a few traders ventured into Rumbak, and primarily during the summer. Before a motorable road reached the area, access to Leh depended on seasonal routes: Zinchen Rong was used in winter, while the Stok La Pass was preferred in summer, as Zinchen Rong became treacherous in the warmer months due to high river discharge.

Among the Tibetan refugees of Ladakh

Nawang Tashi

Nawang Tashi, 88, a Tibetan refugee in Ladakh, India, hails from the Rawang region of Tibet, renowned for producing the finest Lena (Pashmina) in the entire Trans-Himalayan region. During his childhood Rawang consisted of small settlements, where most people lived in rebos (traditional nomadic tents). Only a few affluent families—no more than five—had permanent houses.

It has now been more than 60 years since Nawang arrived in India as a refugee, leaving behind his nomadic life in Rawang. Upon arrival, he initially settled in the Samay area near Tso Kar Lake in Changthang. Today, he lives with his relatives in Choglamsar village, Leh.

Before he was forced to become a refugee, Nawang, in his 20s, frequently visited Ladakh to trade salt from Tibet. Nawang Tashi vividly remembers his journeys to the famous Mindung Tsaka salt lakes, located three to four days’ travel north of Rawang. These lakes produced a rare mixture of red and white salt, known for its exceptional quality. Another key source of salt was Takthong Lungpa, about three days’ journey from Rawang, located towards Mansarovar Lake, a well-known reference point for distances and directions in ancient Tibet. Unlike Mindung Tsaka, which consisted of salt lakes, Takthong Lungpa had rocky cliffs from which salt was mined. However, the salt extracted from Takthong Lungpa was considered inferior to the premium quality salt from Mindung Tsaka. Once the salt from Mindung Tsaka was extracted and dried, Nawang and his community would load it onto around 500 sheep and embark on a month-long journey to Ladakh, heading towards the famous Chemrey salt market. At the market, the exchange rate was two measures of wheat for one measure of salt. Over the years, Nawang made three such trips to Ladakh to take part in this lively and bustling trade.

During his time in Tibet, Nawang owned nearly 1,000 sheep and goats, most of which were Changra goats, prized for their luxurious Pashmina wool. He fondly recalls annual visits by Muslim traders from Leh and Buddhist traders from the Sham region of Ladakh, who journeyed to Rawang to purchase yaks and Pashmina. According to Nawang, the superior quality of water, grass, and flowers in Rawang provided the Changra goats with exceptional nourishment, contributing significantly to their healthy growth and the luxurious quality of their Pashmina wool. The Pashmina hair would reach full growth during the fifth or sixth month of the Tibetan calendar, signaling the start of the combing season. For younger goats, the combing process typically took 4–5 days, while older goats required additional time to complete the process.

There was also a tradition of selecting about 4 to 5 male goats, known as Yangra or Phara, to mate with 100 female Changras. These male goats were chosen early in life based on their physical build and the quality of their hair growth, ensuring that only the best traits were passed on to future generations.

 Sonam Nurbu

Dondey Dolma

Sonam Nurbu, a 90-year-old from Tashigang, Tibet, and his 82-year-old wife, Dondey Dolma, moved to India in 1959, shortly after Losar, the Tibetan New Year. In Tibet, they led the life of Dokpas, dedicated to herding livestock across the region's expansive plains. While trading in India was never part of their routine, they often journeyed to the Tsokar area in Ladakh, India, during the summer months. The plentiful grasslands of Changthang  offered richer grazing opportunities compared to the pastures in Tibet.

Tsokar would come alive as a bustling marketplace, drawing traders from all directions. Sonam Nurbu and his fellow Tibetans arrived with their flocks—sheep, yaks, horses, and goats. They sold their sheep to Ladakhi traders, who paid in cash, and Sonam used his earnings to buy nye (barley) from other Ladakhis in the market. These exchanges ensured he had the resources to support his family through the seasons ahead.

Tsetup Dorjey

Tsetup Dorjey, an 87-year-old from Otsang near Rudok in Tibet, arrived in India as a refugee in 1960. He is among the few who journeyed to the renowned Kyeltse salt lake, Tibet’s main source of salt for Ladakh along with Mindung Tsaka lake until 1962. Although he never visited the distant Mindung Tsaka, he did make trips to another salt lake called Thayee, closer to Otsang. The trek from Otsang to the lake took 10-12 days on foot, leading sheep laden with lugals (saddle bags) across vast, desolate plains without any signs of human habitation. Continuing onward from Otsang to Ladakh was an even greater challenge—a month-long journey over rugged terrain and isolated landscapes.

Tsetup traveled with a small group of 3-5 companions, bringing along around 100 sheep, each carrying lugals packed with salt. In Ladakh, he journeyed to Chemrey and further to Nubra, stopping in villages such as Sumur and Diskit. The typical exchange rate was 3 kg of salt for 2 kg of barley. After completing his trade, Tsetup also sold sheep and wool, with sheep shearing often done in Tangyar or Sakti Phu. 

    Sonam Tenzin

Sonam Tenzin, now 82, originally from Nyari, Tibet, moved to India in 1959. In Tibet, he led a nomadic life, relocating up to four times a year. During the summer, he would settle in Chutti, near the Indian border, while winters took him to Lamey, Yung Suruk—closer to the famous Mindum Tsaka Lake. This proximity allowed him to visit the lake during the ideal season—winter, specifically the first month of the Tibetan calendar.

From Yung Suruk, a round trip to Mindum Tsaka took about 15-20 days. The lake was celebrated for its unique types of salt: red salt, known as nyemo, and white salt, called dayuu, found in different sections of the lake. After gathering salt, Sonam would return to Yung Suruk to store it, often embarking on a second journey to Mindum for an additional supply.

He later ventured through Tashigang, traveling as far as Spiti in Himachal Pradesh and areas near the Nepal-India border for trade. The trek from Tashigang to Spiti took around 20 days each way, where he spent several weeks trading salt for rice, gyamdey(white grain), and tema nakpo (black grain). Rice was especially costly, sometimes requiring up to 15 kg of salt for just 1 kg of rice. By journey’s end, he would return with around 150 lugals of grain, half of the 300 lugals of salt he initially carried. In Ladakh, Sonam Tenzin also visited Chemrey and Nubra, engaging in trade and building connections with the people there.

Reflecting on his extensive travels, Sonam Tenzin remarked, "I came from where the sun rises to trade to where the sun sets." 

The Salt Route : Lamayuru to Tibet and Baltistan.

 

Sonam Stobdan

95-year-old Sonam Stobdan, from the Shutupa family in Lamayuru village in Ladakh, India, has spent many years of his life trading in and out of remote places, both within and outside Ladakh. His travels were carefully timed to coincide with the Hemis Tsechu festival, after which he would start his journey to Changthang or Tibet. In his youth, Sonam journeyed to Rudok, which he called Roochey Thog, and Gertse in Tibet with his herd of 8-10 donkeys, carrying goods such as barley, turnips, chuli, and phating from Ladakh. These items were highly valued by the natives of Tibet, and in exchange, he would receive bal, lena, and khullu.

Upon arriving in Gertse, Sonam would meet with the Gertse Spon, the local community leader, to gain permission to set up camp, often staying there for nearly a month.  He would set up his tent a little way away from the Changpas, respecting their privacy. He spent about a month, interacting with the Changpas, who lived in tents scattered across Gertse and the surrounding Lungpas and collected his stock of bal from them. Unlike modern trade, goods were often measured by volume rather than weight. In rare cases, he would use the traditional balance called the Nyaga. The exchange rate for goods varied, and he often received more bal, as barley was considered a rare commodity by the Changpas. In addition to bal, Sonam would also purchase sheep to carry the extra load, with each sheep able to carry two Batis of goods.

Sonam is one of the few remaining individuals in Ladakh who remembers the once-thriving salt markets of Sakti-Chemrey. He recalls how the Changpa salt traders would set up large markets in these areas, where thousands of sheep laden with salt would gather for days. Traders from the Sham region, particularly from villages above Bodh Kharbu (towards Khalste), would come to these markets to exchange Nas (barley) for the salt, which the Changpas brought from the salt fields of Lake Mingdum Tsaka in Tibet. Salt was traded for barley using a ratio of 4:5—four parts salt for five parts barley—with measurements typically done in Pao units (½ Pao, 1 Pao, with 4 Paos equaling 1 Seer, and 8 Paos equaling 1 Batti). After returning to Lamayuru and resting briefly, Sonam would travel to Kargil to sell the salt, often doubling his investment.

Sonam also made two memorable trips to Skardu and Shigar with his father. The journey from Kargil to Skardu took about eight days, passing through Olding, Sermik, and Gol. In Shigar, they camped near a sacred site associated with Guru Rinpoche. From Skardu, they purchased goods like Basho, Osay, and Phating, in exchange for salt and Bal. The Baltis, who were particularly fond of salt, would eagerly trade for it, often expressing their delight with the phrase Acho Bodh Leptok when they reached Shigar. To show their excitement upon seeing the precious salt, the Baltis would often take a handful of it and swallow it.

Reflecting on the past, Sonam also recalls the challenging days when the revenue department imposed taxes on the villagers in the form of Jins and Bhaps . They were also taxed for their goats, which had to be paid in the form of Ra-bhabs. While nearby villages like Dah, Hanu, and Bema would submit their Jins at Lamayuru, the people of Lamayuru were required to travel to Saspol twice a year to pay their dues.

Sonam has particularly unpleasant memories of the lower-level Ladakhi revenue officials, especially a notorious Chaprasi named Stanzin Ldawa (name changed), who, about 60 years ago, would visit the village with a whip, harshly treating the poor villagers. There was a Dak Bungalow in the village where the Hakims would rest, and the villagers were often forced to provide them with eggs, chicken, and goat. The villagers were also subjected to the Begar or Res system, where they were required to carry government loads from Lamayuru to Khalste or Bodh Kharbu for free. At times, they even had to carry a Palki, a four-man carriage, in which the officials’ families traveled. Any misstep would result in a whipping from the accompanying staff. Sonam, being a horse owner, was spared from carrying the loads himself, as he could offer his horse instead. However, those without horses, known as Miskyang, had to carry the burdens on their own backs.

In certain years, during autumn, when there was a scarcity of fodder for the donkeys, he would journey as far as Suru Karstey in Suru valley for grass and Phukma, a practice known as Phuktso.

The Salt Route: Tibet to Himachal Pradesh to Zanskar.

Thinley Wangyal

Thinley Wangyal, an 85-year-old trader from Rupshu, in Changthang, India, is among the few remaining merchants in Ladakh who have journeyed to the legendary salt lakes of Mindum Tsaka and Kyeltse in Tibet. He visited Mindum three times and Kyeltse once. During his travels from Rupshu to these lakes, he journeyed with a team of about four people and 80 sheep, 40 of which he owned. Thinley Wangyal would begin his journey to Mindum immediately after the Losar festival in Ladakh. Each sheep carried empty Lugals: pair of woollen bags, used for transporting dry salt.

Traveling through Nyoma, Koyul to reach  Demchok (or Lari Karpo). It took him four days from Demchok to reach Mindum. From Demchok, Mindum Tsaka lies to the southeast toward Kang Rinpochey-the sacred Mount Kailash. Mindum Lake, resembling a very large Kongto ( depression in the gorund)is abundant in high-quality salt. To harvest the salt, Thinley Wangyal would cover his legs with sheepskin, known as Lugpa and enter the lake to remove the salt.

During their time at Mindum, Wangyal and his companions survived on Phey a staple food they brought with them. He would remain at Mindum Tsaka for 15-20 days, during which time they dried the salt on Tsali/Chali-woolen carpets typically made of yak hair. Once the salt was sufficiently dried, it was packed into Lugals and sealed for the long journey home and beyond.

The return journey included regular rest periods for the sheep, a practice known as Chakma. Mindum has no permanent population, but traders lived in tents known as Rebos. While Shamma traders traveled toward Tashigang and Rudok, they did not venture to Mindum. Thinley Wangyal visited Kyeltse only once, as the salt there was not as highly regarded. 

After returning to Rupshu, Thinley Wangyal would wait until the eighth month of the Ladakhi calendar to travel to Zanskar to sell the salt harvested from Tsaka. The traders from Rupshu would organize themselves into teams called Nangtso, consisting of about 5-6 members. Almost every family would send one representative. When Wangyal was young, he recalled that there were about 40 families in Kharnak, who organized themselves into 5-6 Nangtsos. Each team had a leader known as the Tsongspon, typically the member with the most sheep and salt. While the rest of the team traveled on foot, the Tsongspon would ride a horse.

Additionally, each group included a Gyalwa, responsible for maintaining the Lugals and repairing any damage to the bags. There was also a Lukzee, or shepherd, who was often the poorest member of the team, typically owning only 7-8 sheep. In return for his services, the Lukzee was allowed to use some of the other members’ sheep to transport his salt-filled Lugals. While the roles overlapped and the hierarchy was not strictly enforced, the Tsongspon would often travel separately and only rejoin the group as they neared Zanskar. From Rupshu, Wangyal’s route to Zanskar passed through Skyachuthang, Dozam, Tarchey Sumdo, Tangze, Ichar, and his final destination, Pibiting. There, they would set up a market and trade with his Zanskarpa friends for about seven days. The atmosphere during the stay was festive, with music, dance, and the traditional Ladakhi drink, chang. On the return journey, the Tsongspon would typically depart early.

Thinley Wangyal also participated in the popular market at Do-zam (Patseo in the maps), in Himachal Pradesh, where he traded Bal (wool) for rice, maida, Khara, and Kuram from the Karjapas. The journey from Rupshu to Sarchu in Himachal Pradesh, on foot, took him four days. Dozam, located north of Manali and south of Sarchu, was chosen as the market site because taking sheep farther south to Manali, which was warmer, would have been uncomfortable for the animals. The temporary market itself was a small gathering of no more than 100 people. The Karjapas only traded for wool and did not purchase sheep. Instead, they sheared the wool, which was then measured using a scale known as the Nyaga. A sheep typically yielded 2-3 kilograms of wool, which could be exchanged for 12-15 kilograms of rice.

In Zanskar, salt was bartered for an equal quantity of Nas (Barley). While Thinley Wangyal never ventured into Sham, he did sell salt as far as Thiksey, where his mother’s family lived and where he is settled at present. He noted that the salt from Tsokar was of inferior quality and required cleaning using a pan. 

Business in Kharnak.

At Dat and Lungmoche, temporary nomadic settlements in Kharnak, Changthang, Ladakh, with Ka Targe Tashi le, Ka Angchuk le, and their friends. They began their day in Dat, Kharnak (Pic 1-5) loading bales of 50 kg Boras—large sacks—to transport manure from the nearby nomad camp of Lungmoche. 

Later, when I met them again in Lungmoche (Pic 6-9) they were nearing the end of their work, filling the last Boras from heaps of manure collected from the cattle pens, locally known as Raley or Laee. While some men packed the manure, others sealed the sacks.

Ka Targe and his friends buy the manure from fellow nomads at Rs 70 per sack, with each sack measured by volume rather than weight. Typically, a 50 kg sack holds about 25-30 kg of manure. Once packed, the sacks are stacked and loaded onto trucks bound for Spiti, Himachal Pradesh. Each year, they sell around 20 truckloads of manure, with each truck carrying approximately 400 sacks. In Spiti, the manure is sold for around Rs 260 per sack. Many other Changpa nomads are also involved in this trade, making manure an essential part of their livelihood. 

 

Among the Changpa Nomads. At Spangchen, Kharnak, Ladakh

Dorjey Angchuk

The region of Kharnak, or Khar Nakpo (Black Fort), in Changthang, Ladakh, India, derives its name from an ancient fortress that remains in ruins, situated in the mountains to the north of Kharnak. While the term Kharnak is used more broadly to describe a large area to the south of Taglangla Pass and west of Tsokar Lake, the settlement of Dat serves as its de facto center. This is evident even in the road milestones, which designate Dat as Kharnak.

I met Dorjey Angchuk, while he and others from Kharnak were encamped at Spangchen/Pangchen on 23rd, August, 2024. Accordin to Dorjey following their traditional migratory plan through different grazing lands :

1. From Spangchen the group would relocate to Yagang by september 20th, where they remain for two months, from october to mid-november. 
2. After Yagang, they return to Dat to celebrate 'Losar', the Ladakhi new year, staying until the end of February before moving on to Samarche. As summer approaches, they return to Dat for a brief period of five to six days, during which they conduct the traditional 'Gyatsa' prayers. During their time in Dat, the nomads focus on prayers for favorable weather, the well-being of their livestock, and absolution for the sins (Dikpa) associated with the slaughter of animals for food. 
3. The nomads spend 45 days at Samarche before heading back to Dat, where they remain until the first week of July.
4. Before concluding their stay in Dat, the nomads descend to Yagang for two days to store essential supplies for the rest of their journey. Situated conveniently close to their subsequent campsites, Yagang serves as a key storage location, allowing the Changpa nomads to replenish their stock as they move from one camp to another. The recent installation of a Jio mobile tower in Yagang has further enhanced its significance.
5. After stocking up in Yagang, the nomads head to Zara, located at the foot of the Taglangla pass, where they stay for 20 to 45 days—until "Nyima Logshik Tshukpa," as they say. 
6. From Zara, the nomads return to Spangchen/Pangchen, repeating their annual migratory cycle. 

It is noteworthy that during this journey, not all livestock accompany the nomads. The younger animals and those providing milk remain with them, while the rest, including the valuable Changra goats (Pashmina goats), are often sent along a different route with a hired shepherd known as a Lukzee.

Over time, there have been notable changes in the relationship between the Changpa nomads and their livestock. In the 1970s, only the wealthiest nomads owned as many as 400 animals. The ratio of humans to animals was also high, as large families were common due to the practice of polyandry. In the past, sheep were preferred over goats due to the ease of processing their wool and the superior taste of their meat. However, the rise in demand for Pashmina has shifted this preference. Today, while family sizes have shrunk, the average number of livestock per household has increased to more than a thousand.

Many nomads in Kharnak now employ shepherds, known as Lukzees, primarily from among Tibetan refugees and nomads from the Korzok and Rupshu areas, who receive an average payment of ₹25,000 per month. During the winter, some nomads also hire a Yakzee, responsible for tending their yaks, for a sum of ₹30,000 per month, along with essential food supplies. This trend is not unique to Kharnak; similar practices were witnessed by the author in areas west of Lamayuru in Leh district, as well as in parts of Kargil, Dras, and Zanskar. In Kargil and Dras, Bakarwal shepherds from Kashmir are hired for about ₹18,000 per month, while in Zanskar, locals employ both Bakarwals and Nepali shepherds.

The economic shift towards Pashmina production has also led to changes in agricultural practices. In the past, barley was cultivated in Dat, one of the few areas in Kharnak suitable for agriculture. However, with the growing demand for Pashmina, nomads now find it more lucrative to invest their time and resources in the wool trade rather than farming. This transition reflects a broader trend where traditional agricultural activities are being supplanted by more profitable ventures, reshaping the livelihoods of the nomadic communities.

 Spangchen Camp

Lukzees returning with the goats and sheep in the evening