Skurbuchan Village : Sacred Geography and its people

Dorjey Sonam

Dorjey Sonam, 85, of the Kunga Stampelpa family in Skurbuchan village, Ladakh, India, recalls making numerous trips to the salt markets in Chemrey and Sakti villages during his youth. He carried nas (barley) and chuli (dried apricots) from Sham to trade for salt brought by Tibetan traders, whom he remembers coming from the Gerge region of Tibet. This was before the 1962 war with China. The journey was long and arduous, taking seven days on donkeys to reach Sakti from Skurbuchan—five days to Leh and an additional two days from Leh to Sakti. Dorjey vividly recalls the bustling salt markets filled with Tibetan traders and the fields of Sakti and Chemrey alive with thousands of raluk (goats and sheep) grazing across the landscape.

The market was held twice a year: once during spring, known as Spid Tsongs, and again in autumn-Ston Tsongs. The exchange rate at the market fluctuated, with the Tibetans often demanding two to three times the amount of nas in exchange for a given quantity of salt. The Tibetans measured salt using a container called a batti (equivalent to two kilograms), but Dorjey and other traders from Skurbuchan brought their own nyaga (a single-pan traditional balance) along with weights measuring one pao (250 grams), two pao, one kilogram, and eight pao. They typically spent two days at the market, purchasing salt from the Tibetans. While Dorjey only bought salt for personal use, some elders from his village ventured on longer journeys to Baltistan after returning to Skurbuchan. In Baltistan, they traded salt for apricots and butter. The Baltis, in turn, visited Skurbuchan and set up camp at a site in the village called Miyaskor. They brought stone utensils, known as doltoks, which they sold in Skurbuchan and neighbouring villages. These doltoks were transported on wooden frames called Kis-Kis. 

Besides the Sakti-Chemrey salt market, Dorjey Sonam also traveled on foot as far as Lamayuru village and Sonamarg. While his visits to Sonamarg in Kashmir were to buy his annual supply of goods, he visited Lamayuru to pay the heavy government tax in the form of nas. In Sonamarg, he would buy das (rice), toe (wheat), and peas. He recalls that, in those days, Rs 1 could buy 12 kg of peas, 7 kg of wheat, and Rs 2 would buy 1 kg of rice. Dorjey vividly remembers the extremely high government tax and describes those times as very difficult for the people of Ladakh. He would carry up to 35 kg of nas all the way to Lamayuru to pay his dues. A government official collected the barley at a government kutti, and often these interactions were bitter, as local officials frequently rejected the quality of the barley on trivial pretexts. Dorjey Sonam remembers the past life in Ladakh as both challenging and simple. Sadly, all of Dorjey’s companions who once traveled with him to the Sakti-Chemrey salt markets have since passed away.

Tsering Nurbu

Tsering Nurbu, 84, of the Tangkarpa family in Skurbuchan, endured many hardships during his early years. As a young man he took up any work he could find. He remembers that he would receive three Khal (one Khal is approximately 50-kilogram) of nas, for a whole year's work at a family’s household. He once accompanied traders from Skurbuchan on a journey to the Sakti salt market, where he helped care for their donkeys. On the return trip from Sakti, the traders stopped near Skampari, close to Leh, for rest and recreation. While the traders enjoyed well-deserved sessions of chang (local wine), Tsering was left in charge of the salt-laden donkeys. To make matters worse, the intoxicated traders began quarrelling with him, falsely accusing him of having swapped their donkeys.

In his mid 20s, after working as a helper for several years, Tsering received advice from his father to leave his job and start a business to improve his circumstances. With Rs. 60 that Tsering had saved and an additional Rs. 30 contributed by his father, they decided to travel to Srinagar to purchase goods for trade. One of their main concerns during the journey was their inability to count numbers in Hindi and Urdu, which they feared would create difficulties in transactions. In those days, the journey to Srinagar was made entirely on foot. Without donkeys to assist them, the father and son opted to carry the return load on their backs. To prepare for the demanding task, Tsering’s father decided to train the young and inexperienced Tsering in the use of a Kis-Kis—a traditional load-carrying wooden frame commonly used by long-distance travelers in Ladakh. 

The Kis-Kis, worn on the back, was specifically designed to transport heavy loads over long distances. It was used alongside a long stick, which served as both a walking aid and a load-supporting tool. When the carrier grew tired, the stick was skillfully positioned under the load, allowing the person to rest while standing upright, with the stick bearing the weight. After a few days of training, they started their journey to Kashmir. On the way, there was always the fear of being waylaid by robbers known as Chakpas. To stay safe, Tsering and his father would take precautions by finishing all cooking activities, especially the mandatory Ladakhi chai, before sunset. Immediately after, they would find a good place to hide—either above or below the road, but never on the roadside. There, they would sleep in silence until sunrise, when they would resume their journey.

During their first visit to Srinagar, Tsering and his father came across a shop offering teacups at an incredible discount: Rs. 1 for a set of 70 cups. Seizing the opportunity, Tsering purchased two sets for Rs. 2. Along with the teacups, they also bought daily-use items such as utensils, chai, matchboxes, and dye colors. The arduous journey to and from Srinagar on foot took 27 days. On the 28th day, Tsering went around Skurbuchan bartering his stock of items from Kashmir. He exchanged each teacup for one Aaloo pari (an empty tin can of potatoes) filled with barley, earning a handsome profit.

With the few cups remaining, he traveled to Khalste and sold them all. For the first time in his life, Tsering felt happy and confident, realizing the potential of his entrepreneurial skills. His success earned him increased attention and respect from the community. Tsering’s father, seeing the rewards of this venture, remarked that had Tsering continued as a helper—a Kharpon or Rarzee—their circumstances would never have improved. He encouraged Tsering to keep visiting Kashmir. Over the years, Tsering undertook seven more trips to Kashmir, steadily growing his fortunes with each journey.

Tsering continued his business ventures and once carried two sacks of rice, each weighing 23 kilograms, on his back across the Zojila Pass in his Kis-Kis. He hoped the rice would help his mother overcome a long-standing challenge she had faced throughout her life. At the time, Tsering’s mother sourced the family’s wool by cleaning raw wool that women from the village would leave at their home. For each batch of wool she cleaned, she kept half and returned the other half to the owner. Although this work was physically exhausting, it was essential for meeting the family's need for wool. That year, Tsering made a trip to the Sakti-Chemrey salt market, bringing with him the two sacks of rice he had bought in Kashmir. According to Tsering, this was few years before the 1962 war. At the market, the Tibetans also sold wool alongside salt, and Tsering managed to exchange nearly equal amounts of wool for the rice. This successful trade marked a significant turning point: Tsering’s mother was able to stop working for others and began processing her own wool.

Once, while in Kashmir, Tsering and a few other Ladakhis were fortunate to meet Ven. 19th Bakula Rinpoche, who generously gifted each of them 26 kilos of rice, a piece of cloth for a goncha (traditional Ladakhi dress), a patloon (pair of pants), a kameez (shirt), and a tipi (a type of hat). To this day, Tsering cherishes the event and believes that it was because of Bakula Rinpoche’s blessings that he was able to prosper in business.

Tsering Dolma

The concept of Phaspun is an important part of the social structure among Buddhists in Ladakh. A loose definition of Phaspun could be a group of people connected through a shared protective deity called "phas-lha." In Skurbuchan, there is a group of families that identify with a Phaspun known as the Gyashingpas, with their protective deity referred to as Tashi Nyenbo 

According to Tsering Dolma, a member of the Gyashingpa Phaspun, centuries ago, a princess named Onjor from across the Karakoram range was married to a king in the region. Tsering Dolma’s ancestors came as Nyopas (assistants) to the princess, and since then, they have settled in Skurbuchan. Within the Gyashingpas, there is another unique group of 5 to 6 families known as the Jingba Ringmos (Long Neck), who have a traditional role during social ceremonies, such as weddings, when they sit in a separate row next to the row of the Kagas, symbolically acting as protectors of the event. This old tradition is still practiced in Skurbuchan. In addition to the Gyashingpas, there was another Phaspun known as the Rablonpas, which in the beginning included many monks. While the Gyashingpas acted as guardians of the bride princess on her way to Ladakh, the Rablonpas accompanied the queen, offering prayers and taking care of religious rituals.

The Gyashingpas observe a unique and peculiar cultural practice. According to their tradition, if the spoon used to prepare the native dish Paba breaks during cooking, the entire dish must be discarded. Although this custom may appear insignificant, it holds profound cultural importance within the Gyashingpa Phaspun. Initially, there were only 18 families from the Gyashingpa Phaspun and 11 families from the Rablonpa Phaspun in Skurbuchan. Over time, their numbers have grown significantly. However, the Gyashingpas are not limited to Skurbuchan, as the author has also observed a few Gyashingpa families in the villages of Skyu and Stok.

Thinley Nurbu  in front  of Gyalpo Phong, Skurbuchan

Skurbuchan is home to some of the most important historical Chortens, Manis, and stone inscriptions in all of Ladakh. Near Tsering Dolma’s ancestral house stands a group of Chortens, which she believes contains the pearl necklace of Queen Onjor. Just before reaching the house, on the right side of the pathway, lies a group of Mani walls that feature two significant historical stone inscriptions. The first inscription, now broken into two pieces, mentions King Deleks Namgyal and Skurbuchan village. The second stone, which remains intact, references King Deldan Namgyal.

One of the most significant sites in Skurbuchan is associated with King Sengge Namgyal (Sen-ge-rnam-rgyal), the powerful 17th-century ruler of the Namgyal dynasty in Ladakh, who reigned from around 1616 until his death in approximately 1642. Known as the "Lion King," Sengge Namgyal was a devout Buddhist celebrated for his extensive contributions to the construction of monasteries, palaces, and shrines throughout Ladakh. While his reign and achievements are well-documented, including his death at Hanle, the circumstances of his birth remain steeped in legend. 

Local lore from Skurbuchan recounts that Sengge Namgyal's mother, Gyalmo Gyal Khatun, went into labor while traveling back to Timosgang and paused to rest in Skurbuchan. It is said that Sengge Namgyal was born beneath a boulder at a location now called Gyalpo Phong. Today, this site holds great spiritual significance within Skurbuchan’s sacred geography.

Stone inscription mentioning Gyalpo Sengge Namgyal

A short distance to the left of Gyalpo Phong from the main road, less than a hundred meters away, lies an extensive Mani wall. This wall is adorned with a rare stone inscription that references significant historical figures and landmarks, including Gyalpo Sengge Namgyal, Gyalmo Skalzang Dolma, Minister Aku Garmo, Deldan Namgyal, Indra Bodhi, Nurzin Gyalmo, the Indus River, and the Chosgyal Photang—the Palace of the Dharma King in Tingmosgang village. While these inscriptions from Skurbuchan have been documented in the past, they appear to have been largely forgotten and are now absent from contemporary discussions on Ladakhi history.

-The author extends sincere gratitude to the Honorable Councillor of Skurbuchan, Lundup Dorjey le, for his invaluable support in facilitating this visit.

-Tashi Namgyal le, Lecturer and prominent scholar from Ladakh, and the son of the late legendary historian Sonam Phunstog Achinathangpa, introduced the author to the Gyashingpa families and the historical stone inscriptions of Skurbuchan.

-Thinley Nurbu le, former Sarpanch of Achinathang Village, assisted the author in facilitating local contacts and travel.

Discovering Kaksar: A Border Village in Kargil, Ladakh

Haji Najaf

Situated 23 kilometres from Kargil on the way to Dras, Kaksar is one of the region's most beautiful yet unexplored gems. The village is home to Shina-speaking Dards, an indigenous ethnic group native to northern India. The name "Kak-Sar" is believed to be derived from the word "Sar" in the local Shina language, meaning a water body or river, symbolizing a place surrounded by water bodies. According to Haji Najaf Ali, a 73-year-old retired police officer and one of the most well-versed individuals regarding the history and culture of Kaksar, the village was originally known as Sukui, named after Suko, an ancestor believed to have been the first settler in the area.

As a young boy, Haji Najaf lived in Kargil while attending the Kargil Middle School, where the renowned Ladakhi educationist Eliezer Joldan served as headmaster. Joldan's remarkable contributions to advancing education in Ladakh during the early years after India’s independence earned him lasting recognition, with the present-day Leh College named in his honor. While still a teenager, Haji Najaf embarked on his journey into public service with the guidance of Akbar Ladakhi, a prominent figure from Leh and the then-SDM of Kargil, who helped him secure a position in the Home Guards. Shortly afterward, the 1965 Indo-Pakistan War erupted, and young Najaf was entrusted with the vital responsibility of guarding the bridge connecting Kaksar to the main highway. Vigilantly monitoring movements across the bridge, he also provided essential support to the army by arranging horses and manpower.

Following the war, Najaf was stationed at a government storehouse in Kargil. While serving there, his meticulous record-keeping skills caught the attention of Konchok Chospel, the Superintendent of Police (SP) of undivided Ladakh, which then included both Leh and Kargil. SP Chospel, impressed by Najaf’s abilities, encouraged him and two others from the region to join the police department. This marked the beginning of Haji Najaf’s long career in law enforcement.

Despite spending much of his life away from Kaksar due to postings in Leh and Kashmir, Najaf fondly reflects on his early days in the village. He remembers the visits of traders, locally known as Nyirings, from Wakah and Mulbek villages, who brought salt to Kaksar. Following local customs, these traders carried their own tea cups to avoid sharing utensils. As money was rarely used at the time, Najaf believes the Nyirings likely bartered salt for wool, as villagers maintained large herds of sheep and goats. The villagers sourced Pul (Ladakhi soda) and Chapak (tea bricks) from the Kargil bazaar. The Pul came from Nubra, while the tea, known locally as Kargili Chai, was brought from Leh. However, this tea was considered inferior to the more favored Punjabi Chai, supplied by a well-known army contractor Sardar Khem Singh, a Punjabi whose family had settled in Kargil.

Najaf shares a captivating story about Khem Singh, in the 1960s. During a visit to the Kargil treasury to withdraw money, Khem Singh inadvertently left a bag containing Rs. 60,000 hanging on a tree near the building. Unaware of his mistake, he carried on with his journey, traveling to Leh and eventually boarding an army plane to Chandigarh. Upon realizing his oversight, Khem Singh returned to Kargil with little hope of recovering the money. To his amazement, the bag was still there, untouched, hanging on the same tree where he had left it. A meeting was convened at the Islamia School to investigate the matter. After verifying the details of Khem Singh’s claim, the elders in Kargil returned the bag to him.

Najaf also recalls the prominent leaders of his time, including Munshi Habibullah of the National Conference, Ibrahim Shah Agha of the Congress Party, who served as MLC from Chuskhor, and Kacho Mohammad Khan, a retired Naib Tehsildar who entered politics with the support of the revered Ven 19th Kushok Bakula Rinpoche.

Despite the changes over the years, some traditions endure in Kaksar. A few continue to practice the idea of a Sabdak, the family protector, serving as a reminder of the ancient practices of their ancestors. Until recently, Kaksar preserved the practice of Daal or Behan, in which a community member entered a trance to predict future events and provide guidance. However, with the passing of its last practitioner, this unique tradition has come to an end, marking the close of an age-old cultural practice in the region.

Haji Mohammad

Haji Mohammad, 75, the only son of his parents and a respected landowner from Kaksar, assumed the responsibility of supporting his household at an early age, leaving school to manage the family’s fields. Reflecting on the past, he recalls the immense challenges his ancestors faced in irrigating their fields during the summer months. To address these difficulties, they displayed remarkable ingenuity by constructing a narrow canal system from stones, channeling water from a stream nearly 15 kilometres away in the mountains. This system remains vital for irrigating the village to this day. Although this water source is reliable, the farmers of Kaksar exercise caution in selecting crops, favoring those with low water requirements. Wheat, which Haji Mohammad primarily cultivates, demands less water than barley. In addition, he grows cha and peas in certain fields. Buckwheat (bro), planted in June, is harvested alongside wheat in September, enabling a sustainable agricultural cycle and efficient use of resources.

In his younger years, Haji Mohammad transported wood, known locally as thangshing, to sell in the Kargil market. He typically loaded 12 logs of wood onto a dzho for each trip, earning Rs. 19 per full load. Alongside his wood trade, he also sold sheep in Kargil, fetching prices between Rs. 200 and Rs. 300 per sheep. Usually, Haji Mohammad returned home on the same day after selling the wood. However, on occasions when the wood didn’t sell, he stayed overnight at the Musafirkhana in Kargil. Once his transactions were complete, he and his friends would purchase essentials such as tea, salt, and pul (soda). During those times, tea cost Rs. 13 per kilogram, salt Rs. 1 per kilogram, and pul 25 paise per kilogram in the Kargil bazaar. Most of these trips occurred before the 1960s, as regular vehicular traffic on the main highway began after that, making travel to Kargil more convenient.

Gulam Hussain and Haji Mohammad next to a trunk traditionally used for storing water during the winter months.

Haji Mohammad vividly recalls the harsh winters of the past, particularly during January and February, when sourcing drinking water posed a significant challenge. To address this, villagers devised an innovative method using winter ice. They hollowed out long wooden trunks to create tubs and placed nets made of wooden branches, known as Changmey Shat, on top. Large chunks of ice were collected and laid on these nets. The tubs were kept in the kitchen, where the heat from the stove melted the ice, allowing water to collect in the hollow trunk for drinking and cooking purposes. With the advent of development, a drinking water pipeline was installed in the village, a transformative milestone that Haji Mohammad credits to the renowned Ladakhi engineer Sonam Norbo. This pipeline, which has been operating continuously since its installation, ensures a reliable and steady supply of water for the villagers.

According to Gulam Hussain, a retired district court employee and a living repository of Kaksar's rich cultural heritage, Sta-Polo was once a highly popular sport in the village. Matches were held at the local polo ground known as the Shagaran. Unfortunately, this historic site is now undergoing construction, marking a significant change in the village's landscape. Another notable cultural tradition centered around a site called Ratho Bao, where horse races were held by men wishing for a son. It was widely believed that the wife of the race winner would give birth to a boy within nine months of the victory, adding a unique element of belief to the event. Kaksar also observed the tradition of animal sacrifice, which played an integral role in the community’s rituals. As part of this practice, a black sheep was sacrificed the day before the harvest to ensure prosperity and abundance. This tradition continued until 1980, when the last recorded sacrifice marked the end of this long-standing custom. Another unique tradition in the village revolves around a day of celebration marked on the 3rd of March. This practice is tied to a local legend in which an ancestor, while returning from Dras, had a brawl with a three eyed  demon. The ancestor defeated the demon, who then promised to ensure prosperity for the village, provided he was remembered with a ritual once a year. 

Burial-like structures at  Zil Do

Ruins on the hill at Zil Do

Kaksar is home to three sites of notable archaeological potential. The first two are associated with a mysterious queen, lending an air of intrigue to the local history. The site called Rohni Aeshey (with Rohni meaning queen and Aeshey meaning upper room) is believed to have been her summer fort, while the second site, Koto-Taal, likely served as her winter residence. Both locations, now reduced to ruins, bear little trace of their former grandeur, with much of their structure lost to time. Due to their remote location far from the main village, the author was unable to explore these sites firsthand.

The third site, Zil Do, which was visited, is located to the northeast on the outskirts of the village, and is believed by locals to contain ancient graves alongside the remnants of an old settlement. Portions of the site’s boundary remain visible, providing valuable clues about its original extent. At the foot of the hill lies a long wall resembling a small dam-like structure, which might have been used for water storage in the past. Further along, a cluster of nearly 30 grave-like structures stands out. These burial structures are particularly striking—square in shape and constructed with large surface stones, setting them apart from conventional burial sites. Higher up the hill, remnants of stone structures resembling man-made walls are visible, further evidence of human activity in the area.The hill’s strategic position offers a wide view of the Shingo region, making it an ideal location for an ancient watchtower, similar to those found throughout Ladakh. The unique features and apparent antiquity of Zil Do make it a highly promising candidate for archaeological research, with the potential to uncover significant historical insights into the region’s past.

Phonetic spellings are used for local words to ensure they are transcribed as they were pronounced to the author.

Cultivating the Past: An Agriculturalist’s Life in Leh, Ladakh

Samstan Tsering

Samstan Tsering, 90, is a distinguished traditional agriculturalist from the renowned Shunu family, one of the largest landowners in Leh, Ladakh, India. A landlord by legacy, Samstan dedicated his life to managing vast ancestral lands and preserving traditions passed down through generations.

Agriculture was Samstan’s calling in life. He cultivated wheat, karez, and naksran on his family’s extensive lands in Skara, Leh, adhering to an annual crop rotation system—alternating wheat one year and naksran the next. Both karez and naksran are essential ingredients for making paba, a popular Ladakhi food. Perhaps influenced by microclimatic variations within this small region, barley was cultivated only in the Tukcha and Shenam areas of Leh. Farmers in Skara, where the Shunu family held their largest landholdings, focused on cultivating wheat, karez, and naksran. When barley was required, Samstan’s family sourced it from family friends in Taru or Phyang village, bartering it for naksran and transporting it in khal (approximately 50-kilogram) loads on donkeys.

Livestock ownership was central to life in Samstan’s youth, and until recently, he maintained a herd of hundreds of goats. Local Ladakhis around Skara often employed Changpa shepherds to graze their livestock in the lush pastures of Gangles and Gyamtsa near Leh for a fee. Grazing land was abundant then; the land where the Leh airport now stands was once a semi-fertile grazing ground teeming with animals. Samstan relied heavily on his own resources to meet household needs, including grain, meat, milk, butter, and wool. While most necessities were produced on his lands, he procured —a superior, long wool from Changpa traders—and blended it as Gyu with locally available wool to create fabrics for his clothing.

Salt was one of the few necessities Samstan purchased. In his youth, he often traveled to the bustling salt markets of Sakti and Chemrey during the ninth month of the Ladakhi calendar. With no motorable roads, Samstan selected the best two donkeys from his family’s herd for the journey. This tradition was followed even by the wealthiest families. Accompanied by Sonam Tashi from the Nyachu family and Meme Ishey from the Palden family of Skara, they bartered one khal of barley for two khals of salt from Changpa traders. The Changpas brought salt from the famed lakes of Mingdum Tsaka and Kyelste in Tibet, a practice which ended in the 1960s. While some Ladakhis purchased salt to sell in distant regions like Sham and Baltistan, Samstan and his companions procured only enough to meet their families’ annual needs.

One significant event Samstan witnessed before India’s independence in 1947 was the annual arrival of the Wazir of Ladakh from Skardu, the winter capital, to Leh, the summer capital. With much of his ancestral land near the Zunglam, Samstan frequently observed this event, a highlight of Leh’s social calendar. The Wazir traveled on horseback, while his wife followed in a palki (palanquin) carried by Ladakhi porters. The palki was handed over from one team of porters to another at various points along the journey, with the final team taking over at Nimo village from a group that had carried it from Basgo village. All this labor was unpaid, enforced under the Begar or Res system. The Wazir and his wife stayed at their residence near the Karzoo pond.

Another pivotal aspect of Samstan’s life was the annual visit of the Hor-Yarkandi traders to Ladakh. These caravans, led by traders riding horses, were a hallmark of Leh’s trading traditions. Camels and donkeys were primarily used to transport trading goods, though the group leaders occasionally preferred Horbung donkeys over horses. The Horbungs, prized for their smooth and comfortable ride, were meticulously cared for and occasionally sold to locals. Although once common in Leh, Horbungs have since disappeared.

The Shunu family provided the Hor traders with camping space at Ol Chenmo, their large tract of land in Skara, which served as a popular site for Yarkandi merchants. The caravans, comprising 50 to 60 traders, typically stayed for about two weeks, relying on local supplies such as ol (green fodder) and phukma (dry grass) provided by the Shunu family for their horses, camels, and donkeys. These supplies were often supplemented by neighboring families, including Meme Bula and the Jurchung family. Additionally, local women contributed by selling fodder in the Leh market during these visits, further supporting the traders’ needs.

The Hors traded goods such as phingpa, charok, kaleen, kangpis, and Yarkandi boras. Butter was a particularly sought-after item, instantly purchased by locals. However, one year, a rumor spread that the Yarkandi butter sold in Leh was made from horse milk, deterring buyers. That year, according to Samstan, the Hors used the excess butter in their Yarkandi pulao, a favorite dish in their cuisine. Additionally, the Hors brought small Yarkandi biscuits, distinct from the larger Kashmiri varieties, which they consumed with black tea on special occasions.

Samstan admired the toughness and resilience of the Hors, who endured harsh conditions with remarkable fortitude to reach Ladakh. Often, they sat in the open on Ol Chenmo, even during rare rainfall, seemingly unaffected by the elements. Tragically, Samstan heard that many perished on their arduous journeys to and from Yarkand, leaving skeletal remains along the trails.

Looking back on life in Leh during the 1940s and 1950s, Samstan recalls that before India’s independence in 1947, thirty-two Dogra soldiers were stationed at the Zorawar Fort in Leh. Local Ladakhis would often sell Pakphey (wheat flour) to these soldiers. He also remembers the Jinsi taxation system, which remained in place even after 1947. Under this system, villagers were required to give a portion of their crop yield to the government twice a year. The tax was collected by a government official, referred to as Meme Kutidar by the locals, at the government Kuti, located in the present day  Nausehar in Leh. The government also imposed a firewood collection system, where wealthier Ladakhis had to supply firewood for government employees during the winter months without any compensation. 

In the summer, Kashmiri traders would visit Leh to purchase Pashmina wool. Local traders, who had bought and stockpiled this wool from the Changpa nomads, facilitated these transactions. Among them, an elderly gentleman from the Bijal family, popularly known as Bijal-e-Baba, stood out as the most popular local trader in the Pashmina trade

Samstan fondly recalls a cohesive community where cooperation, rather than competition, was the foundation of daily life. Villagers actively participated in bunglut, often taking offense if their assistance was not sought. They willingly volunteered their cattle for fieldwork during sowing and harvest seasons. Despite the simplicity of those times, no one went hungry, as the community thrived on staples like thukpa and paba. The wholesome diet, combined with an active lifestyle, contributed to the overall health and resilience of the people. Remarkably, Samstan himself has maintained robust health throughout his life and has never fallen ill.

The Darses, Skara's vibrant three-day village archery celebrations, were once the most eagerly anticipated event of the year, a stark contrast to present times. The festivities began with benzang, a practice session where men refined their aim, followed by the grand main event, Darses Chenmo, and concluded with nyerey, the final day of winding down. Men and women adorned themselves in their finest attire, creating a colorful and inclusive celebration that brought the entire community together.

A few years ago, Samstan climbed Tsemo peak in Leh and was struck by the town’s transformation. What was once a green expanse stretching from Gangles to Mangla Bagh, filled with fertile fields, has now become a dense cluster of rooftops. Only the villages of Stok and Matho retain their greenery, while Leh seems to have turned into a Thang.

Hoshiarpur Traders of Ladakh

Raj Kumar Sethi

Raj Kumar Sethi’s grandfather, Shri Lahori Lal Sethi, came to Ladakh in the 1930s from Hoshiarpur in Punjab “to look for greener pastures.” At that time, the only non-local businessmen in Leh were from Hoshiarpur and Himachal Pradesh. His grandfather arrived in Ladakh with one of the Hoshiarpur traders who were already settled in Ladakh. His father, Shri Omkarnath Singh, later joined his grandfather. In Ladakh, Raj Kumar Sethi’s family was known as the Lahorimals. The family owned property in both Leh and Kargil until the 1970s. While they still own their ancestral property in Leh, the property in Kargil has since been transferred to someone in Kargil town..

In 1947, rumours spread that Pakistan was going to overtake Ladakh, prompting many traders to leave. Raj Kumar’s father returned to Hoshiarpur, where he set up a cloth business. In 1951, he returned to Ladakh to restart his old business, and later, in 1955, his mother joined him. Three of his four sisters were born in Ladakh. In 1966-67, they bought their current palatial house in Lajpat Nagar, New Delhi.

Raj Kumar was 17 years old when he first came to Ladakh in 1969. After finishing his Higher Secondary School, his parents decided to send him to Ladakh to take care of the family business. In those days, there were no commercial airlines to Ladakh. The only way to reach Ladakh was through the Srinagar route or by taking an army airplane from Chandigarh. The journey from Srinagar to Leh would take three weeks on khachchar (mule) and horses, and his elder brother often used this route.

To fly on an army aircraft, one had to get permission from officials in Udhampur and then wait for flight dates in Chandigarh. Raj Kumar distinctly remembers the 31st of May, 1969, when he landed at Spituk Airport. The airport was nothing more than an empty field, with no one in sight. From a distance, Raj Kumar could see a Jeep at the base of Spituk Gompa. After leaving his attache, which was safe since there was nobody to steal it at the remote airstrip, Raj Kumar walked to the Jeep. The driver, Ghani, worked for the DC office and had come to drop off some VIPs. He requested Ghani if he could take him to Leh Shaher. After the VIPs had taken off, Ghani offered Raj Kumar a lift. They drove to Balkhang Chowk, where a large protest was taking place in the market. Incidentally, this protest that Raj Kumar witnessed on his very first day in Ladakh was a very important event in the post-independence history of Ladakh, which would be covered separately. From there, crossing the protestors, Raj Kumar walked the short two-minute distance to his house and shop.

While the food habits remained the same as he lived with his parents, Raj Kumar had to make an effort to understand Ladakhi, especially when customers from distant villages came to the shop. Many didn’t understand Hindi, but soon enough, Raj Kumar started making friends.

During that time, the Ohris were among the most popular families from Hoshiarpur settled in Leh. Their firm, Shaadi Lal Dwarka Nath, served as a one-stop shop for all the needs of the Ladakhi community. Locals affectionately referred to them as Lala Shaadilal. Even today, many elderly Ladakhis recall buying items from Lala Shaadilal’s Hatti. Sometime in the second half of the 20th century, one branch of the Ohris moved to Mumbai. It is believed that they gifted their property in Ladakh to Pandit Bihari Lal and his brother Hridya Ram, who worked for them. The brothers later sold the property to some Kashmiris. Pandit Bihari Lal’s sons migrated to Himachal Pradesh in the 1980s, while Hridya Ram’s son, Krishan Kumar, remained in Ladakh until the 1990s. In Hoshiarpur, there is a Sethio-ka Mohalla (Sethi’s neighborhood). According to Raj Kumar, his father and he met Shaadilal Ohri and his son Dwarkanath Ohri there.

In those days, shopkeepers in Ladakh didn’t specialize in any particular goods. They sold everything that could be used in Ladakh, particularly daily essentials. Back in his shop, Raj Kumar traded in hardware, footwear, clothing, chai, dye colors,  rations, and other items. He even sold glasses used for windows, which came in only two sizes back then: 10 by 12 and 8 by 12 inches. Green tea and dye was sourced from Amritsar. Pre-independence, Amritsar was the trading capital of North India, with Delhi's importance emerging later. Some traders also transported opium from Amritsar to Central Asia. While they continued sourcing clothes and chai from Amritsar, soon groceries were obtained from Srinagar, which had begun developing into a commercial hub. Wholesalers extended credit, and traders like Raj Kumar conducted FOA (Forward on Account) transactions. According to Raj Kumar, there wasn’t much profit for the traders, and whatever they earned during the five months of summer was exhausted during the winter months when business was slow. Additionally, the general population was poor, and people had very limited money.  

Since phones were not popular, traders wrote letters to their suppliers in Srinagar, and goods would arrive accordingly. The volume of business was also small. Raj Kumar recalls that making Rs 250-300 a day was considered very good, and if business reached Rs 1,000, it was cause for celebration. Cashew nuts cost Rs 16 per kg, turmeric was Rs 2 per kg, and chili powder was Rs 2.25. Only solid salt from the plains was sold. For a long time, Raj Kumar and other traders struggled to sell salt because the MRP was Rs 2 per kg, while transportation costs from Delhi via Amritsar were Rs 1. The local administration insisted that traders could not sell above the MRP. The best quality Ladakhi tea used to cost Rs 8 per kg, which now costs over Rs 300. Raj Kumar also witnessed Ladakhis paying for groceries with pashmina. A large portion of their earnings came from Yarkandi and Kashgari traders who visited Leh in caravans after crossing the Karakoram Pass and traded with them. Business boomed for the Lahorimal family, and soon they were one of the top business families in Ladakh. Over time, local entrepreneurs like Mr. Tashi from the Shali family emerged as leading businessmen, along with Trilok Chand,  and Riaz Ahmed. They all sold similar goods.

Raj Kumar spent 44 years in Leh. During this time, he had a very successful business career. His last visit to Ladakh was in 2018. If not for his health, he would still go to his home in Leh and meet his friends there. His best friends from Leh include Nazir Khan, Dorjee Lakrook, Asgar Deen Darokhan, and Mateen Tak. He misses his friends dearly. After all these years, he now has to make new friends in Delhi, which is very difficult for him.

Salt, Rolex, Ladakh to Calcutta.

Rigzin Namgyal and Tashi Namgyal

Rigzin Namgyal, 89 as of 2021 from Sakti village in Ladakh, India, spent his early youth as a successful trader, undertaking biannual journeys, Yar-Gun—summer and winter trips—to Changthang and Tibet. Much of this time was dedicated to trading in western Tibet until the Chinese occupation disrupted traditional trade routes.

In summer, Rigzin Namgyal engaged in Yar-tsong or summer trade, traveling to distant regions including Rudok, Rawang, Thok, and Hundur. Rudok, a picturesque town with a monastery and a fort, was home to about 60 to 70 families. He and his companions carried goods like Phating, Chuli, Phey, rice, and eggs. To protect the eggs from breaking, the Ladakhi traders employed an innovative technique, carefully packing them in Pakphey (wheat flour). These items were exchanged for the prized Bal and Lena in Tibet. In winter, he frequently visited Maga, a vast grazing land near Rudok that provided pasture for horses from Sakti and Chemrey. Maga was expansive enough to support thousands of horses, yaks, and other livestock, and he fondly recalled seeing around a thousand Kyangs, along with yaks and Raluks, in that area.

During his journeys, Rigzin discovered several salt sources, particularly at Rajok Tso, where salt was harvested and dried in the sun. His travels in Tibet also took him to gold mines like Munak Thok, Rathok Thok, and Myanmo Thok, located about ten days east of Rudok. Although gold panning, as was common throughout the Himalayas, was not particularly lucrative, it provided a livelihood for many impoverished miners, who paid a tax known as ser-go-thal, amounting to 10 annas (with 16 annas equating to one rupee). Aba Rigzin continued his trading trips to Rudok until 1962, when the Chinese invasion disrupted the region.

In Ladakh, salt markets in Chemrey and Sakti were held twice a year, during the summer and autumn months. Buyers traveled from distant places like Shigar and Skardu in Baltistan. Rigzin Namgyal could easily distinguish Shigar Baltis from Skardu Baltis by their complexions, noting that Skardu Baltis generally had fairer skin. The Baltis traded items such as Phating and mulberries. The summer market was hosted in Dabung in Sakti village, where a Beakon office now stands, while the autumn market took place near Chemrey Monastery in fields known as Thaka Zukhan. The exchange rate for salt and barley fluctuated; standard quality salt was typically equivalent in quantity to barley, though poor-quality salt could require three battis (approximately 6 kg) for one batti of barley.

During this period, Hor traders entered Ladakh through the Changla Pass. Many Ladakhis in Sakti and Chemrey spoke the Hor language, enabling residents like Ajang Tsewang and Tokpo Skalzang to communicate with them. The Hor traders brought Phingpa, Kaleen, tea, and Chakman. They traveled with horses, camels, and donkeys, always on the lookout for grazing grounds for their animals. People in Sakti and Chemrey would trade local grass for the prized Central Asian items brought by the Hor traders, creating a vibrant trading opportunity for all. 

Rigzin’s friend, Tashi Namgyal, 84, as of 2021, reminisced about European explorers arriving in the Rong area with advanced equipment, drilling into rocks and building chain bridges across the Indus River, while locals carried their belongings in palkis.

In those days, government teaching positions were plentiful due to a shortage of educated Ladakhis. Rigzin Namgyal secured a role in the education department, teaching in various locations in Changthang, including Kyungyam, Hemya, and Shara. Between the late 1950s and early 1960s, while stationed as a government school teacher in Chushul, he witnessed significant events in Indian military history, including the return of Deputy Superintendent Karam Singh after the Hot Springs incident. Following the 1962 war with China, Aba Rigzin  travelled with the team tasked in a mission to retrieve the remains of the legendary Major Shaitan Singh and his men from Rezang La, becoming one of the first to reach the site of Major Shaitan Singh's martyrdom.

A notable episode in Rigzin's trading career involved a cheque for 6,000 tibetan currency from a business partner in Tibet. Unable to cash it in Leh due to foreign currency issues, he traveled all the way to Calcutta, where the only bank that could handle the transaction was located. After struggling to find a guarantor, a Nepali trader at the Mahabodhi Society where Aba Rigzin was staying offered assistance. While in Calcutta, Rigzin seized the opportunity to purchase expensive Rolex and Omega watches, along with Sheaffer and Parker pens, which were highly valued among the rich in Tibet. He also made trips to Amritsar and then to Kashmir to buy rice, which he transported for trade in Changthang.

The above interview was conducted in 2021.

Tashi Rigzin, Photoksar, Sengge Lalok, Ladakh

Tashi Rigzin

Tashi Rigzin, 62, originally from Photoksar village, and now residing in Chushot, Leh, reflects on the past when Photoksar, with its fertile grazing lands, was home to large herds of yak and demo. The locals produced surplus butter and churpi, which they traded in nearby regions. Tashi fondly recalls his childhood, especially the time after the annual barley harvest during the ston season (autumn), when his grandfather would journey to Spang Chenmo in Sakti village to secure the family’s yearly supply of salt. To purchase the salt, his grandfather would either take money or Chuli-Phaating (dried apricots), which he had bartered on the way, in the area around Khalsi village for homemade butter or churpi. In Sakti, his grandfather exclusively traded with trusted Changpa traders, who he called  Dzagos ( friends). 

In those days, the Sengge-la pass, connecting Photoksar and Zanskar to the Sham area was only open for a few months in summer. Due to the scarcity of grazing land in Yurchung and Nyerak, villagers from those areas would bring their livestock near to Photoksar for grazing in the 4th month of the Ladakhi calendar and return before Ston just before the harvest. There was a longstanding agreement that their animals would not cross beyond Maneychan Tokpo (a stream), a rule enforced by the Goba members  (village leaders). The people of Photoksar frequently sold butter in Leh, and they occasionally sold yak and demo to visitors from Tia and Timosgang villages. 

Before the construction of the new motorable road to Zanskar, two main routes connected Photoksar to the Indus Valley. In summer, traveling from Hanupatta to Wanla villages beyond a spot called Demdemcha was treacherous due to the swollen rivers, which sometimes carried away horses. This route was primarily used after the Ston season, when the water froze, making the passage safer. In warmer months, they followed the Wanla Chutsan route, exiting at Lamayuru village, where they purchased essential supplies. This journey involved an overnight stop near Chutsan, but during Ston, the route to Wanla could be completed in a single day. At Wanla, barley grown at Photoksar was traded for locally grown wheat and peas, with an equal exchange rate.

Due to Photoksar's cold climate, it was difficult for plants other than barley to flourish. Pea plants, if grown did not bear fruit and was often served as fodder for cattle. While many in Photoksar consumed peas from Wanla mixed with barley, Tashi preferred to plant the pea seeds solely to grow fodder for his livestock. He also remembers the Res system, where the people of Photoksar were required to provide free services to government officials traveling between Wanla and Yulsum. Occasionally, traders from Chiktan would come to the area to sell Doltoks (stone utensils). In earlier times, when resources were scarce, Tashi had heard from the elders that their ancestors would travel to Nyingti (a generic term used for Mandi and nearby places in Himachal Pradesh) to earn extra income through labor.