Discovering Kaksar: A Border Village in Kargil, Ladakh

Haji Najaf

Situated 23 kilometres from Kargil on the way to Dras, Kaksar is one of the region's most beautiful yet unexplored gems. The village is home to Shina-speaking Dards, an indigenous ethnic group native to northern India. The name "Kak-Sar" is believed to be derived from the word "Sar" in the local Shina language, meaning a water body or river, symbolizing a place surrounded by water bodies. According to Haji Najaf Ali, a 73-year-old retired police officer and one of the most well-versed individuals regarding the history and culture of Kaksar, the village was originally known as Sukui, named after Suko, an ancestor believed to have been the first settler in the area.

As a young boy, Haji Najaf lived in Kargil while attending the Kargil Middle School, where the renowned Ladakhi educationist Eliezer Joldan served as headmaster. Joldan's remarkable contributions to advancing education in Ladakh during the early years after India’s independence earned him lasting recognition, with the present-day Leh College named in his honor. While still a teenager, Haji Najaf embarked on his journey into public service with the guidance of Akbar Ladakhi, a prominent figure from Leh and the then-SDM of Kargil, who helped him secure a position in the Home Guards. Shortly afterward, the 1965 Indo-Pakistan War erupted, and young Najaf was entrusted with the vital responsibility of guarding the bridge connecting Kaksar to the main highway. Vigilantly monitoring movements across the bridge, he also provided essential support to the army by arranging horses and manpower.

Following the war, Najaf was stationed at a government storehouse in Kargil. While serving there, his meticulous record-keeping skills caught the attention of Konchok Chospel, the Superintendent of Police (SP) of undivided Ladakh, which then included both Leh and Kargil. SP Chospel, impressed by Najaf’s abilities, encouraged him and two others from the region to join the police department. This marked the beginning of Haji Najaf’s long career in law enforcement.

Despite spending much of his life away from Kaksar due to postings in Leh and Kashmir, Najaf fondly reflects on his early days in the village. He remembers the visits of traders, locally known as Nyirings, from Wakah and Mulbek villages, who brought salt to Kaksar. Following local customs, these traders carried their own tea cups to avoid sharing utensils. As money was rarely used at the time, Najaf believes the Nyirings likely bartered salt for wool, as villagers maintained large herds of sheep and goats. The villagers sourced Pul (Ladakhi soda) and Chapak (tea bricks) from the Kargil bazaar. The Pul came from Nubra, while the tea, known locally as Kargili Chai, was brought from Leh. However, this tea was considered inferior to the more favored Punjabi Chai, supplied by a well-known army contractor Sardar Khem Singh, a Punjabi whose family had settled in Kargil.

Najaf shares a captivating story about Khem Singh, in the 1960s. During a visit to the Kargil treasury to withdraw money, Khem Singh inadvertently left a bag containing Rs. 60,000 hanging on a tree near the building. Unaware of his mistake, he carried on with his journey, traveling to Leh and eventually boarding an army plane to Chandigarh. Upon realizing his oversight, Khem Singh returned to Kargil with little hope of recovering the money. To his amazement, the bag was still there, untouched, hanging on the same tree where he had left it. A meeting was convened at the Islamia School to investigate the matter. After verifying the details of Khem Singh’s claim, the elders in Kargil returned the bag to him.

Najaf also recalls the prominent leaders of his time, including Munshi Habibullah of the National Conference, Ibrahim Shah Agha of the Congress Party, who served as MLC from Chuskhor, and Kacho Mohammad Khan, a retired Naib Tehsildar who entered politics with the support of the revered Ven 19th Kushok Bakula Rinpoche.

Despite the changes over the years, some traditions endure in Kaksar. A few continue to practice the idea of a Sabdak, the family protector, serving as a reminder of the ancient practices of their ancestors. Until recently, Kaksar preserved the practice of Daal or Behan, in which a community member entered a trance to predict future events and provide guidance. However, with the passing of its last practitioner, this unique tradition has come to an end, marking the close of an age-old cultural practice in the region.

Haji Mohammad

Haji Mohammad, 75, the only son of his parents and a respected landowner from Kaksar, assumed the responsibility of supporting his household at an early age, leaving school to manage the family’s fields. Reflecting on the past, he recalls the immense challenges his ancestors faced in irrigating their fields during the summer months. To address these difficulties, they displayed remarkable ingenuity by constructing a narrow canal system from stones, channeling water from a stream nearly 15 kilometres away in the mountains. This system remains vital for irrigating the village to this day. Although this water source is reliable, the farmers of Kaksar exercise caution in selecting crops, favoring those with low water requirements. Wheat, which Haji Mohammad primarily cultivates, demands less water than barley. In addition, he grows cha and peas in certain fields. Buckwheat (bro), planted in June, is harvested alongside wheat in September, enabling a sustainable agricultural cycle and efficient use of resources.

In his younger years, Haji Mohammad transported wood, known locally as thangshing, to sell in the Kargil market. He typically loaded 12 logs of wood onto a dzho for each trip, earning Rs. 19 per full load. Alongside his wood trade, he also sold sheep in Kargil, fetching prices between Rs. 200 and Rs. 300 per sheep. Usually, Haji Mohammad returned home on the same day after selling the wood. However, on occasions when the wood didn’t sell, he stayed overnight at the Musafirkhana in Kargil. Once his transactions were complete, he and his friends would purchase essentials such as tea, salt, and pul (soda). During those times, tea cost Rs. 13 per kilogram, salt Rs. 1 per kilogram, and pul 25 paise per kilogram in the Kargil bazaar. Most of these trips occurred before the 1960s, as regular vehicular traffic on the main highway began after that, making travel to Kargil more convenient.

Gulam Hussain and Haji Mohammad next to a trunk traditionally used for storing water during the winter months.

Haji Mohammad vividly recalls the harsh winters of the past, particularly during January and February, when sourcing drinking water posed a significant challenge. To address this, villagers devised an innovative method using winter ice. They hollowed out long wooden trunks to create tubs and placed nets made of wooden branches, known as Changmey Shat, on top. Large chunks of ice were collected and laid on these nets. The tubs were kept in the kitchen, where the heat from the stove melted the ice, allowing water to collect in the hollow trunk for drinking and cooking purposes. With the advent of development, a drinking water pipeline was installed in the village, a transformative milestone that Haji Mohammad credits to the renowned Ladakhi engineer Sonam Norbo. This pipeline, which has been operating continuously since its installation, ensures a reliable and steady supply of water for the villagers.

According to Gulam Hussain, a retired district court employee and a living repository of Kaksar's rich cultural heritage, Sta-Polo was once a highly popular sport in the village. Matches were held at the local polo ground known as the Shagaran. Unfortunately, this historic site is now undergoing construction, marking a significant change in the village's landscape. Another notable cultural tradition centered around a site called Ratho Bao, where horse races were held by men wishing for a son. It was widely believed that the wife of the race winner would give birth to a boy within nine months of the victory, adding a unique element of belief to the event. Kaksar also observed the tradition of animal sacrifice, which played an integral role in the community’s rituals. As part of this practice, a black sheep was sacrificed the day before the harvest to ensure prosperity and abundance. This tradition continued until 1980, when the last recorded sacrifice marked the end of this long-standing custom. Another unique tradition in the village revolves around a day of celebration marked on the 3rd of March. This practice is tied to a local legend in which an ancestor, while returning from Dras, had a brawl with a three eyed  demon. The ancestor defeated the demon, who then promised to ensure prosperity for the village, provided he was remembered with a ritual once a year. 

Burial-like structures at  Zil Do

Ruins on the hill at Zil Do

Kaksar is home to three sites of notable archaeological potential. The first two are associated with a mysterious queen, lending an air of intrigue to the local history. The site called Rohni Aeshey (with Rohni meaning queen and Aeshey meaning upper room) is believed to have been her summer fort, while the second site, Koto-Taal, likely served as her winter residence. Both locations, now reduced to ruins, bear little trace of their former grandeur, with much of their structure lost to time. Due to their remote location far from the main village, the author was unable to explore these sites firsthand.

The third site, Zil Do, which was visited, is located to the northeast on the outskirts of the village, and is believed by locals to contain ancient graves alongside the remnants of an old settlement. Portions of the site’s boundary remain visible, providing valuable clues about its original extent. At the foot of the hill lies a long wall resembling a small dam-like structure, which might have been used for water storage in the past. Further along, a cluster of nearly 30 grave-like structures stands out. These burial structures are particularly striking—square in shape and constructed with large surface stones, setting them apart from conventional burial sites. Higher up the hill, remnants of stone structures resembling man-made walls are visible, further evidence of human activity in the area.The hill’s strategic position offers a wide view of the Shingo region, making it an ideal location for an ancient watchtower, similar to those found throughout Ladakh. The unique features and apparent antiquity of Zil Do make it a highly promising candidate for archaeological research, with the potential to uncover significant historical insights into the region’s past.

Phonetic spellings are used for local words to ensure they are transcribed as they were pronounced to the author.

The Brokpas of Ladakh: Petroglyphs, Doltoks and Telegraph

Chamba Gyaltsan

The Brokpa community, settled in villages along the banks of the Indus River in Ladakh, India, is regarded as one of the earliest settler groups in the region. Chamba Gyaltsan, now 97 years old and a resident of Dah village, is one of the oldest members of the Brokpa community. He recalls the legend of his ancestors—three brothers named Galo, Melo, and Dulo—who migrated from Gilgit centuries ago. They first settled in Dah and later expanded to Hanu, Garkhon, Darchik, and neighboring villages.

The author met him in Baldes, a small hamlet of Dah. Reflecting on his disciplined youth, Chamba credits his health to a life centered around farming and family responsibilities. During his youth each day began around 4 a.m., feeding their horses, donkeys, and goats before starting fieldwork without breakfast. Time was marked by the sun’s position rather than clocks; as it rose above the mountains, they knew it was time to head home for their first meal. Food was seasonal: in autumn and winter, they ate paaba made from chaa (sorghum) for warmth, while in summer, barley was used to make kholak and paaba.

When Chamba was a young man, many from the Brokpa villages, including Chamba's father, journeyed to the salt markets in the Sakti and Chemrey villages, where they traded their barley and phating (dried apricots) for salt with Changpa traders. In these markets, only the leader of the Changpa group handled negotiations. Salt was traded in solid natural blocks known as Tsa dok-dok, rather than in powder form. The typical exchange rate was three battis (about 2 kg) of salt for one batti of phating, with separate rates set for wool (bal) and sheep. If needed, Changpa traders used a traditional scale called nyaga, calibrated with a stone known as pordo, to measure goods.

After returning from the Sakti-Chemrey market, Chamba's father and fellow villagers traveled over a week from Dah to reach Skardu and Shigar in Baltistan, where they traded salt for additional phating (dried apricots). It was customary for family members to escort relatives till Olding and Morol in Baltistan, where they crossed rivers in a ritual known as chu phingey phiya, or “crossing the water.” At 18, shortly after his marriage, Chamba joined this journey himself, traveling from Dah through Gurgurdo, Phuru, and Dansar to reach Morol—a three-day trek.

According to Chamba, the route to Skardo was known to involve crossing three major rivers. While Chamba could only identify the Leh-Chu (Indus) and Kusting Chu (Shyok), maps suggest that the third river might have been the Drass River, which travelers likely crossed to reach Olding before crossing the Indus again to arrive in Morol. This remains a hypothesis and could be refined with new information. At Morol, Chamba observed how the Brokpas relied on native Baltis to help them cross the rivers, using inflated buffalo skins called Jaks. The Baltis would place a Spangleb—a wooden slab—on two Jaks and secure it with ropes, creating a sturdy boat called a Thorow, capable of carrying both people and animals. Chamba saw that while men, donkeys, and cattle sailed on the Thorow, the horses would literally swim across the rivers. After ensuring his father’s safe crossing, Chamba returned to Dah.

The annual visits that the Brokpa traders made to the Sakti-Chemrey salt markets were primarily for trading salt in Baltistan. However, for personal use, the Brokpas in Dah mainly relied on Shamma traders, who traveled directly to villages in winter to sell salt and wool. These Shamma traders came from neighbouring villages of Saspol, Skurbuchan, and Temisgang, often braving heavy snowfall in the 11th and 12th months of the Ladakhi calendar. The annual visits of the Shamma traders and their trade involving tsa (salt) and bal (wool) were known as Tsatob Baltob by the Brokpas. The sturdy Shamma traders would camp in open fields, brewing tea, even during snow in harsh winter conditions. They borrowed shovels from villagers to clear the snow and covered their donkeys with thick covers for warmth.  The Brokpas would offer them supplies of kornak or patchaa—the remains of apricot kernels after oil extraction—as feed for their donkeys and dried turnips and chuli (apricots) in exchange of salt.

However, there were times of salt scarcity and Chamba narrated a little known practice followed by the Brokpas in the past. During times of scarcity, the Brokpa community, including Chamba Gyalstan's family, practiced an ingenious tradition of gathering Pa-tsaa from nearby mountains. This whitish substance, which resembled soda found in Nubra, was collected from soil secretions in certain mountainous areas. Chamba explained that his parents would carry it as a mixture of soil and stones back home, where they would process it by mixing it with water in a doltok ( stone utensil). The water was then filtered and used as a substitute for salt, helping the community manage during shortages.

Before India's independence in 1947, Leh served as Ladakh's summer capital, while Skardu was the winter capital. Government business operated through a Darbar Shift, with officials moving between the two locations based on the season. Communication between Leh and Skardu was maintained through telegrams and mail. Once, while in Leh, Chamba recalls witnessing a strange machine on which a government employee was operating a handle at different frequencies. Curious about the device, he learned that the silver wires connecting Leh to Skardu enabled the machine, known as the telegraph, to transmit messages across the distance.

In the past, doltoks (stone utensils) were a significant trade item between the Brokpas and the Baltis of Baltistan. Chamba shared that these essential utensils were crafted by villagers from Kusting (the old name for Hassanabad), located along the Shyok River, now in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. The Brokpas would meet the Kusting villagers at Kusting La, the site for Doltoks making. Kusting la, a mountain pass accessible from Dah after crossing Nyerda, was an area known for its abundant stone resources ideal for making doltoks. This trade involved Brokpas from Dah and villagers from Khalste, who traveled specifically to acquire these utensils. A mutual understanding existed between the communities: Brokpas would leave any unattended doltoks untouched, while Kusting villagers refrained from disturbing the Brokpas' cattle grazing in the area. Due to limited income, Kusting villagers also traveled annually to Shimla in Himachal Pradesh for seasonal work. Chamba Gyaltsan recalls seeing them pass through Dah, often stopping to rest at the changra (a communal space for celebrations) along their journey.

Meeting with Chamba Gyaltsan was filled with many anecdotal discussions. The areas around the Brokpa villages of Ladakh are famous for their high concentration of petroglyphs. Chamba shared a mystical explanation for the petroglyphs found around Khalste and Brokpa villages in the Indus Valley. According to him, these engravings are not man-made but were created by tiny beings known as Ileyphru, who work only under the cover of darkness. So small that they could fit into a cap. He claims to have witnessed this phenomenon firsthand when, once overnight, a petroglyph appeared on a local boulder. Chamba notes that local folklore holds that if one encounters an Ileyphru, the creature may grant a wish.

The oppressive Res or Thal system required villagers to provide free labor to government officials as they traveled between Leh, Kargil, and neighboring villages. For Dah’s 35 families, this duty extended from Nyurla to Lamayuru. Chamba vividly remembers one particularly challenging Res duty: transporting large tires across the mountains, a task that left him with painful rashes on his back. In addition to Res, villagers faced Jinsi and Bhaps taxes, collected twice a year by the Goba (village head) and submitted at Lamayuru. Chamba also recalls a time when nearly everything in Ladakh was taxed, from horses to land. 

Besides these obligations, the Ladakhis had to deal with a barrage of government officials making unreasonable demands. During Losar, the Kazdar would visit Dah, arriving with two horses and accompanied by the Shikardo, who enforced hunting restrictions. Villagers hosted these officials at the Goba’s residence, offering phukma (dry grass) for the horses and serving chang (local alcohol) and lavish food to the guests. During his stay, the Kazdar also resolved local disputes. These visits required the Brokpas to offer gifts, and doltoks were highly prized by the visiting officials. Years later, Chamba visited the family of a deceased Kazdar and recognized several doltoks he believed were forced gifts from his village.

Chamba holds deep respect for the 19th Ven. Bakula Rinpoche, whose efforts ultimately led to the abolition of these oppressive practices, freeing the people of Ladakh from the burdens of forced labor and excessive taxes.

Brokpa traders: Sakti-Chemrey to Baltistan

Nawang Stanzin

Nawang Stanzin, 96, from the Pichipa family, is one of the oldest residents of Garkon village in the Kargil district of Ladakh, India. He belongs to the Brokpa community, regarded as one of the earliest settlers of Ladakh. When he was young, it was a common practice for the Brokpa people from Dah, Hanu, Garkhon, and Batalik villages to travel to the famous salt markets of Sakti and Chemrey villages exchanging local barley for salt from Tibet. The salt was then transported to faraway places like Skardo and Shigar in Baltistan, where it was traded for apricots and cash. The money earned from selling salt in Baltistan was mainly used to pay the government tax in Ladakh, known as Bhaps, which was levied twice a year. The tax, amounting to 1 to 2 annas, had to be paid in Mulbek. Apart from Bhaps, villagers also endured the burden of Jins and the oppressive practice of Res/Begar, where they were forced to transport loads from Mulbek to Bod Kharbu. Nawang participated in Res, where he carried official loads of Dak and Bistara.

According to Nawang Stanzin who was a regular visitor to the Sakti-Chemrey salt market, the main salt market took place on the fields belonging to the Chemrey Monastery, where traders from all over Ladakh gathered to buy salt, wool, and sheep in exchange of barley. Nawang vividly remembers seeing over 1,000 sheep at this lively marketplace, their backs laden with Lugals (saddle bags). The trading terms were straightforward—equal amounts of barley were exchanged for equal amounts of salt. The Changpa traders also dealt in wool, offering ready-made bales of wool called 'Stakhur,' which were easily carried by horses or donkeys. From Garkhon, it took eight days to reach Ladakh, and the same amount of time was needed to reach Skardo.

Abiding by the old tradition of seeing off family and friends embarking on trade journeys to Baltistan, the farthest Nawang ever traveled was to Morol and Olding, now part of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK). These locations served as the farewell points, where they would watch the elders cross rivers to reach Skardu and Shigar. The rivers were crossed using flat wooden platforms called Bhips, which were sturdy enough to carry both people and animals. A Balti rower, using a long stick, would guide the Bhips across the river, ensuring a safe passage. Besides the Bhips, the Baltis used an ingenious method called Balang Pakspa to cross rivers. They would sew and inflate buffalo skins, allowing a person to lie on the inflated skin and paddle across. A third method combined both approaches—a Bhips built on top of inflated buffalo skins.

The journey to and back from Baltistan took about a month. From the long journey of Baltistan, the traders brought back Phating (apricots) and Zhupu (young dzho, a yak-cattle hybrid). Nawang also recalls a time when some villagers brought back stongyur chaa, a variety of grain from Skardo, so fertile that one seed could produce up to 1,000 grains.

In addition to his trading activities, Nawang Stanzin has occasionally taken on the role of a Mon, a traditional musician who performed for his community during special occasions. This responsibility circulates from person to person within the community, ensuring that the tradition is passed on and maintained across generations.

The Forgotten Chortens of Chulichan, Ladakh.

The Indus River, which originates in Tibet, enters India at Changthang and flows through Chulichan village, located about 60 kilometers from Kargil, before continuing into Baltistan, now part of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK). Today, the entire population of Chulichan practices Islam. Many residents in Chulichan trace their ancestry to the Dardi people, similar to those living in villages of Dah, Hanu, Garkhon, and others. The Dardi language is still spoken by the community. In Chulichan, two neglected and previously unrecorded chortens can be found, likely among the last of their kind in this part of Ladakh.

According to local legend, many centuries ago a Lama (a Buddhist monk) named Konchok Sherbstan from Lehdo village in Leh district, founded Chulichan by constructing an irrigation canal in the barren land. Gradually, people started settling in the new village. In the beginning, everyone in the village followed the Lama’s Buddhist teachings, but over time they converted to Islam. After the Lama’s death, the original Buddhist residents built two chortens in his memory.

Haji Mohd

Haji Mohd, 82, from the Kyonpa family, shares that he was born in a Luklo, adhering to the traditional Ladakhi age-counting system. He reminisces about a time when the villagers lived simply, relying mainly on Bro (buckwheat) and Tsya (millet) to prepare Paba a traditional Ladakhi dish. Apricot water was also a staple source of nourishment for the community.

Haji Mohd's family currently owns two cows and eight goats, a significant decline from the nearly 100 goats they had in his youth. In line with their Dardi tradition, they keep only a few cows, a practice that is relatively recent, as the Dardi community traditionally avoided drinking cow's milk. While many families in Chulichan continue to honor their ancestral family deities, known as Sabdak, in their old homes, this practice is gradually fading in the new houses being built. Haji Mohd recalls when traders from Changthang and Sham region regularly visited Chulichan to trade their salt and other goods, often braving harsh winter conditions. A site called Luksa in Chulichan served as a well-known resting spot for these traders. Most traders relied on donkeys for transport, with sheep occasionally accompanying them. Chulichan also welcomed visitors from Baltistan, who typically arrived at night to purchase salt that the natives had purchased from the Changpas.

Haji Mohd remembers the Angrezpas (Europeans) who visited Chulichan to 'take photographs'. In the village, there is a mountain with a glacier that serves as the primary water source. According to Haji Mohd, long before he was born, these foreigners constructed a tower on the mountain ( likely as part of the Great Trigonometric Survey, which the British used to survey all of India). According to Haji Mohd, the tower has some numbers engraved on it.

Haji Mohd's wife, Ama Misabi le, recalls that for many years, the villagers honored the deceased Lama's chorten by following a Dardi tradition that involved offering threcho, wood dipped in butter and lit, along with butter lamps. Today, however, the chortens are in a state of disrepair, indicating that few people have visited the site in recent years. During the visit, the author placed katakhs, ceremonial scarves, at the site to pay tribute to the memory of the late lama.

Tashi Lundup

Nawang Sharap

The author would like to extend heartfelt gratitude to Tashi Lundup le, Nawang Sharap le, and Tsewang Gyaltsen le, of the Labdakh family in Garkon village for making this visit possible.