Showing posts with label Doltoks. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Doltoks. Show all posts

Friday, October 25, 2024

The Brokpas of Ladakh: Petroglyphs, Doltoks and Telegraph

Chamba Gyaltsan

The Brokpa community, settled in villages along the banks of the Indus River in Ladakh, India, is regarded as one of the earliest settler groups in the region. Chamba Gyaltsan, now 97 years old and a resident of Dah village, is one of the oldest members of the Brokpa community. He recalls the legend of his ancestors—three brothers named Galo, Melo, and Dulo—who migrated from Gilgit centuries ago. They first settled in Dah and later expanded to Hanu, Garkhon, Darchik, and neighboring villages.

The author met him in Baldes, a small hamlet of Dah. Reflecting on his disciplined youth, Chamba credits his health to a life centered around farming and family responsibilities. During his youth each day began around 4 a.m., feeding their horses, donkeys, and goats before starting fieldwork without breakfast. Time was marked by the sun’s position rather than clocks; as it rose above the mountains, they knew it was time to head home for their first meal. Food was seasonal: in autumn and winter, they ate paaba made from chaa (sorghum) for warmth, while in summer, barley was used to make kholak and paaba.

When Chamba was a young man, many from the Brokpa villages, including Chamba's father, journeyed to the salt markets in the Sakti and Chemrey villages, where they traded their barley and phating (dried apricots) for salt with Changpa traders. In these markets, only the leader of the Changpa group handled negotiations. Salt was traded in solid natural blocks known as Tsa dok-dok, rather than in powder form. The typical exchange rate was three battis (about 2 kg) of salt for one batti of phating, with separate rates set for wool (bal) and sheep. If needed, Changpa traders used a traditional scale called nyaga, calibrated with a stone known as pordo, to measure goods.

After returning from the Sakti-Chemrey market, Chamba's father and fellow villagers traveled over a week from Dah to reach Skardu and Shigar in Baltistan, where they traded salt for additional phating (dried apricots). It was customary for family members to escort relatives till Olding and Morol in Baltistan, where they crossed rivers in a ritual known as chu phingey phiya, or “crossing the water.” At 18, shortly after his marriage, Chamba joined this journey himself, traveling from Dah through Gurgurdo, Phuru, and Dansar to reach Morol—a three-day trek.

According to Chamba, the route to Skardo was known to involve crossing three major rivers. While Chamba could only identify the Leh-Chu (Indus) and Kusting Chu (Shyok), maps suggest that the third river might have been the Drass River, which travelers likely crossed to reach Olding before crossing the Indus again to arrive in Morol. This remains a hypothesis and could be refined with new information. At Morol, Chamba observed how the Brokpas relied on native Baltis to help them cross the rivers, using inflated buffalo skins called Jaks. The Baltis would place a Spangleb—a wooden slab—on two Jaks and secure it with ropes, creating a sturdy boat called a Thorow, capable of carrying both people and animals. Chamba saw that while men, donkeys, and cattle sailed on the Thorow, the horses would literally swim across the rivers. After ensuring his father’s safe crossing, Chamba returned to Dah.

The annual visits that the Brokpa traders made to the Sakti-Chemrey salt markets were primarily for trading salt in Baltistan. However, for personal use, the Brokpas in Dah mainly relied on Shamma traders, who traveled directly to villages in winter to sell salt and wool. These Shamma traders came from neighbouring villages of Saspol, Skurbuchan, and Temisgang, often braving heavy snowfall in the 11th and 12th months of the Ladakhi calendar. The annual visits of the Shamma traders and their trade involving tsa (salt) and bal (wool) were known as Tsatob Baltob by the Brokpas. The sturdy Shamma traders would camp in open fields, brewing tea, even during snow in harsh winter conditions. They borrowed shovels from villagers to clear the snow and covered their donkeys with thick covers for warmth.  The Brokpas would offer them supplies of kornak or patchaa—the remains of apricot kernels after oil extraction—as feed for their donkeys and dried turnips and chuli (apricots) in exchange of salt.

However, there were times of salt scarcity and Chamba narrated a little known practice followed by the Brokpas in the past. During times of scarcity, the Brokpa community, including Chamba Gyalstan's family, practiced an ingenious tradition of gathering Pa-tsaa from nearby mountains. This whitish substance, which resembled soda found in Nubra, was collected from soil secretions in certain mountainous areas. Chamba explained that his parents would carry it as a mixture of soil and stones back home, where they would process it by mixing it with water in a doltok ( stone utensil). The water was then filtered and used as a substitute for salt, helping the community manage during shortages.

Before India's independence in 1947, Leh served as Ladakh's summer capital, while Skardu was the winter capital. Government business operated through a Darbar Shift, with officials moving between the two locations based on the season. Communication between Leh and Skardu was maintained through telegrams and mail. Once, while in Leh, Chamba recalls witnessing a strange machine on which a government employee was operating a handle at different frequencies. Curious about the device, he learned that the silver wires connecting Leh to Skardu enabled the machine, known as the telegraph, to transmit messages across the distance.

In the past, doltoks (stone utensils) were a significant trade item between the Brokpas and the Baltis of Baltistan. Chamba shared that these essential utensils were crafted by villagers from Kusting (the old name for Hassanabad), located along the Shyok River, now in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. The Brokpas would meet the Kusting villagers at Kusting La, the site for Doltoks making. Kusting la, a mountain pass accessible from Dah after crossing Nyerda, was an area known for its abundant stone resources ideal for making doltoks. This trade involved Brokpas from Dah and villagers from Khalste, who traveled specifically to acquire these utensils. A mutual understanding existed between the communities: Brokpas would leave any unattended doltoks untouched, while Kusting villagers refrained from disturbing the Brokpas' cattle grazing in the area. Due to limited income, Kusting villagers also traveled annually to Shimla in Himachal Pradesh for seasonal work. Chamba Gyaltsan recalls seeing them pass through Dah, often stopping to rest at the changra (a communal space for celebrations) along their journey.

Meeting with Chamba Gyaltsan was filled with many anecdotal discussions. The areas around the Brokpa villages of Ladakh are famous for their high concentration of petroglyphs. Chamba shared a mystical explanation for the petroglyphs found around Khalste and Brokpa villages in the Indus Valley. According to him, these engravings are not man-made but were created by tiny beings known as Ileyphru, who work only under the cover of darkness. So small that they could fit into a cap. He claims to have witnessed this phenomenon firsthand when, once overnight, a petroglyph appeared on a local boulder. Chamba notes that local folklore holds that if one encounters an Ileyphru, the creature may grant a wish.

The oppressive Res or Thal system required villagers to provide free labor to government officials as they traveled between Leh, Kargil, and neighboring villages. For Dah’s 35 families, this duty extended from Nyurla to Lamayuru. Chamba vividly remembers one particularly challenging Res duty: transporting large tires across the mountains, a task that left him with painful rashes on his back. In addition to Res, villagers faced Jinsi and Bhaps taxes, collected twice a year by the Goba (village head) and submitted at Lamayuru. Chamba also recalls a time when nearly everything in Ladakh was taxed, from horses to land. 

Besides these obligations, the Ladakhis had to deal with a barrage of government officials making unreasonable demands. During Losar, the Kazdar would visit Dah, arriving with two horses and accompanied by the Shikardo, who enforced hunting restrictions. Villagers hosted these officials at the Goba’s residence, offering phukma (dry grass) for the horses and serving chang (local alcohol) and lavish food to the guests. During his stay, the Kazdar also resolved local disputes. These visits required the Brokpas to offer gifts, and doltoks were highly prized by the visiting officials. Years later, Chamba visited the family of a deceased Kazdar and recognized several doltoks he believed were forced gifts from his village.

Chamba holds deep respect for the 19th Ven. Bakula Rinpoche, whose efforts ultimately led to the abolition of these oppressive practices, freeing the people of Ladakh from the burdens of forced labor and excessive taxes.

Thursday, September 12, 2024

Business Lessons from Latoo village, Kargil, Ladakh.


Haji Mohd Hussain is the last remaining member of the original settlers.

Situated on a high plain on the left of River Shingo, village Latoo, Kargil was established around 1967 when seven families from the border village of Dreyloung were relocated to the present area. According to Haji Hussain, Life in Latoo is much better than the remote Dreyloung. Latoo is derived from a Shina word meaning "low-lying barren area." 

Once, during his youth, Haji Mohd Hussain made a long journey from Dreyloung to Leh to buy salt, a trek that took 9-10 days. The route passed through Hardas, Wakha-Mulbekh, Khangral, Heniskut, Lamayuru, Khalste, Nurla, Saspol, Api Chenmo Thang, and finally Leh. Haji Hussain carried ghee, butter, and apricots from Dreyloung, which he traded in Leh for salt and soda. This trade, which Haji Hussain called "Adla-Badla" or barter, was done only once before the 1965 war. 
In those days, the people of the region owned many yaks, which they kept in the mountains most of the time. In Leh, there was a competition among people eager to host them, as payment was made in the form of waste of the animals which Haji and his company traveled with. The salt Haji Hussain purchased was only for personal consumption. 
Before 1965, Haji Hussain also made the arduous journey to Sonamarg to buy rice, a trip so difficult that he remembers his legs swelling from the travel. From Sonamarg, he would buy corn, rice, and wheat. In those days, corn was a common food item, though this practice has now disappeared. Haji Hussain carried money earned from selling his livestock, with Rs 1 fetching him 10 kilograms of corn or 1 kharwar (a local unit) of rice. He bought 5 kharwars of rice and the same quantity of corn. At that time, there were no vehicles beyond Sonamarg, and all trade was conducted using yaks or khacchar (pack animals). Haji owned three zhos, two zhomo, and a few cows.
According to Haji Hussain, before the Partition, a few elderly villagers made stone utensils known as "Doltoks". These were crafted from a special stone called "Meltsey", sourced from the Black Mountain near the village of Babachan. The artisans would give the Doltok a rough shape at the source mountain to reduce carrying weight. Once the rough shape was made, the half-prepared Doltoks were carried down to the Dreyloung village on frames known as "Kir-Kir," where the final finishing was done using an iron tool called "Khokor," made by the local ironsmith, known as "Garba." The villagers would then take the Doltoks to distant places for sale, though some customers would visit Dreyloung to buy the Doltoks directly from the source.
Nisar Hussain
Nisar Hussain, 58 years old, is a second-generation inhabitant of Latoo, born shortly after the village relocated to its current site. Nisar Hussain shared insights into a new practice among herders in the Kargil region, where traditional Bakarwal shepherds are now employed and paid a monthly income to care for the entire village's livestock. While the villagers of Badgham, Hardas, Chanigund, and Kaksar continue to maintain their livestock, many communities closer to Drass have gradually abandoned this ancestral practice. In the past, villagers spent much of their time in the hills with their livestock, using their own wool for personal needs. However, with the decline in livestock keeping, partly due to modern lifestyles, there is now a shortage of "Bal" (wool) in surrounding villages. To compensate, they have begun purchasing wool from outside sources, particularly from the Bakarwals.
Nisar Hussain belongs to one of the most affluent families in Latoo and has been a serial entrepreneur throughout his life. As a child, he assisted an old man named Abdullah in an experiment to grow rice in Latoo. However, due to rice's high water demands, they were only able to produce 2-3 kilograms, leading to the abandonment of the experiment. Over the years, Nisar tried his hand at various trades, from welding to working as a bus conductor and driver.
Nisar Hussain is recognized by the Department of Agriculture as a “progressive farmer.” In Latoo, he grows "Nas" (barley) and "Toe" (wheat) in March. "Nas" is harvested by the end of July, and "Toe" is harvested 15 days later. After that, it's time to grow "Chaa" (jowar) and "Tsey-Tsey" (bajra), which are harvested around late September. Raw "Nas" is used for making "Roti," while roasted "Nas" is used for "Kholak" and "Pabha." "Toe" is mainly used for "Roti," though it can also be roasted to make flour for "Kholak," though this is rare. "Chaa," considered a warming food, is used for making "Thukpa" and "Pabha" and is believed to help cure coughs and chest problems. According to Nisar Hussain, "Chawal" can be made from "Chaa" by slowly grinding it in a stone cup to remove the chaff without breaking the grain, resulting in a stickier rice compared to regular rice. "Tsey-Tsey" is primarily used for "Kholak" but has an alternate use in treating chronic back pain and boils—10-12 kilograms of "Tsey-Tsey" are used to prepare a mattress-like layer for the patient to sleep on.
Nisar also grows more than 14 varieties of fruits, including "Naspati," "Alu Bukhara," "Aaldu," a Kashmiri apple called "Bumchold," used for making pickles, "Khubani," 3-4 varieties of apples, 2 types of cherries, and strawberries. His wife sells these fruits, along with vegetables, in the Kargil market.
Nisar Hussain at Denmo, a rock resembling a demoness holding a child. 
This rock serves as the traditional boundary between Latoo and Karkit villages, with the Shingo River in the background."

In 1985-86, while transporting goods for the Food and Civil Supplies department to Zanskar in his vehicle, he began experimenting with various business ideas. During his trips to Zanskar, he started purchasing "Bal" for personal use from the locals in Sani, Abran, Phey, and Zangla. His family back home would then use the wool to make socks, mufflers, caps, and vests. This experience opened his eyes to the business opportunities Zanskar offered in the 1980s. He began purchasing butter, peas, "Phukma," and grass from Zanskar to sell in the Kargil region. At that time, he drove a low-powered "1210 (Bara Dus)" vehicle that could barely carry 6 tonnes of weight, so the scale of his business was small. Additionally, payments from contractors for the loads he transported to Zanskar were often delayed, limiting his cash flow for further purchases.
Back then, "Bal" was available for just Rs 20 per kilogram, compared to the current price of Rs 200-300. Nisar could only afford to buy about 10 kilograms for personal use. He also bought butter, peas, "Phukma," and grass, with notable profit margins—ghee, for instance, which he bought for Rs 25 per kilogram, was sold for Rs 60-70 in Kargil. However, due to limited cash, his purchases were small. 
Nisar struck gold when he realized the potential in buying donkeys from Zanskar and selling them in Kargil. He purchased donkeys for Rs 200-250 from Zanskar and sold them for Rs 1000-1200 in Latoo and nearby villages. Soon, others in his area recognized the opportunity and began competing with him. The last donkey he bought cost Rs 8,000, which he sold for Rs 18,000. Nisar always preferred male donkeys because female donkeys could not be used during pregnancy or when their foals were young.